scholarly journals The impact of EU state-building policies on the democratization process in Macedonia. A realist analysis.pdf

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-118
Author(s):  
Adrian Waters
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Shah Azami

As part of its “War on Terror”, the United States (US) provided immense sums of money and advanced equipment to Afghan warlords in order to defeat and dismantle the Taliban and al-Qaeda in Afghanistan. Nearly two decades after the 2001 US-led intervention in Afghanistan that toppled the Taliban regime, the US continues supporting the warlords in various ways. As the intervention was also aimed at establishing a functioning state and reconstruction of the war-torn country, the US needed the support of local warlords to achieve its goals. However, over time, warlords and warlordism became a major challenge to the postTaliban state-building project and in many ways undermined the overall security and the state monopoly on violence. These warlords, who had been mostly expelled and defeated by the Taliban regime, returned under the aegis of the B52 bombers, recaptured parts of the country and reestablished their fiefdoms with US support and resources. They not only resist giving up the power and prestige they have accumulated over the past few years, but also hamper the effort to improve governance and enact necessary reforms in the country. In addition, many of them run their private militias and have been accused of serious human rights abuses as well as drug trafficking, arms smuggling, illegal mining and extortion in the areas under their control or influence. In many ways, they challenge the government authority and have become a major hurdle to the country’s emerging from lawlessness and anarchy. This paper explores the emergence and reemergence of warlords in Afghanistan as well as the evolution of chaos and anarchy in the country, especially after the US-led intervention of late 2001. It also analyzes the impact of the post-9/11 US support to Afghan warlords and its negative consequences for the overall stability and the US-led state-building process in Afghanistan.


2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (8) ◽  
pp. 1093-1107
Author(s):  
Peter O. Mbah ◽  
Thaddeus C. Nzeadibe ◽  
Chikodiri Nwangwu ◽  
Ambrose O. Iheanacho ◽  
Christopher Okonkwo Eze ◽  
...  

Using the qual-dominant mixed methods approach, this study analysed the impact of the separatist threat and the militarization of elections on voter turnout during the 2017 governorship election in Anambra State, Nigeria. Findings indicate that perceived and real marginalization of the Igbo in Nigeria’s state-building is largely driving the neo-Biafra separatist threat to boycott elections in Anambra State. This does not only account for the state militarization of elections in order to guarantee security; it also inadvertently engendered fear among citizens, undermined voter turnout and exacerbated political exclusion. This study concludes that inclusive political development presents an opportunity for de-escalation of separatist threats, demilitarization of elections and enhancement of voter turnout in Nigeria.


2011 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann Grzymala-Busse

Compared to its West European counterparts, post-communist Christian Democracy is notable for its lack of success. Even in the most religious of post-communist democracies, no Christian Democratic (CD) party has claimed a plurality of the electorate. At the same time, there is a considerable range in average electoral support from 1990 to 2010, i.e. from 0.7 percent in Estonia to as high as 18.4 percent in Slovakia. The most successful CD parties have arisen in Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Slovenia and Lithuania, and (with qualifications) in Macedonia. The reasons for this success lie not in popular religiosity, state–church conflict or alliances between CD parties and churches. Instead, where parties can point to a history of nation and state-building in the inter-war period, they receive an initial electoral boost from this historical legacy. Yet even these favourable historical reputations have transitory effects: by the second or third elections, the impact of inter-war support rapidly faded.


2006 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 6-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Khaled Hroub

Since Hamas won the Palestinian legislative elections in January 2006, its political positions as presented in the Western media hark back to its 1988 charter, with almost no reference to its considerable evolution under the impact of political developments. The present article analyzes (with long verbatim extracts) three recent key Hamas documents: its fall 2005 electoral platform, its draft program for a coalition government, and its cabinet platform as presented on 27 March 2006. Analysis of the documents reveals not only a strong programmatic and, indeed, state building emphasis, but also considerable nuance in its positions with regard to resistance and a two-state solution. The article pays particular attention to the sectarian content of the documents, finding a progressive de-emphasis on religion in the three.


Author(s):  
Benedetta Berti

This chapter takes stock of the main scholarly and policy debates pertaining to the rise of violent and criminal governors. First, it delves into the reasons that drive these actors towards investing in governance; emphasizing the usefulness of governance provision to extract resources, enhance control, built legitimacy, and fulfil state-building aspirations. Second, the chapter briefly accounts for the main variations in the types of governance configurations established by criminal and violent actors, focusing on when and where these actors act as governors; what types of services they are likely to provide and to whom, as well as on how governance itself is delivered. This cursory examination, along with an analysis of the relationships these groups build while acting as governors, allows us to reflect on the impact of these non-state governors on the civilian population under their rule, as well as on the notions of sovereignty and statehood more broadly.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-178
Author(s):  
Helena F. S. Lopes

In a recent survey of modern China, historian Rana Mitter noted: “The war between China and Japan may have been the single most important event to shape twentieth-century China”. This perspective hasn't been around for very long. The relevance of China's War of Resistance against Japan (KangRi zhanzheng) has been revaluated by historians in recent years, a prime example of this being Mitter's book on the subject and the work of Hans van de Ven. For years, the victory of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in 1949 was crystallised into a crucial turning point and the Kuomintang (Nationalist Party/KMT) was seen as corrupt and ineffective, as epitomised by Lloyd Eastman's studies. Eastman's verdict is not entirely contradicted by some of the new scholarship, although important revisionist works have led to a reassessment of the KMT state-building efforts, in particular during their pre-war decade in power, the so-called Nanjing decade (1927–1937). Although the ‘rediscovery’ of the war came later in the English-language than it did in Chinese, it is undeniable that recent years have seen a growing interest in the period, both in academia and in popular culture. The three monographs under review here are, in many ways, illustrative of the best new research on the conflict. They provide comprehensive insight on the impact of the war on the Nationalists' state-building efforts in fiscal policy, propaganda, and justice. All are first monographs, springing from meticulous doctoral and post-doctoral research anchored on a plethora of new primary sources. They make important contributions to our understanding of the impact of the war in China, as well as to economic history, media studies, and legal history more broadly.


Author(s):  
Nataliia M. Parkhomenko ◽  
Tetiana S. Podorozhna ◽  
Tetiana I. Tarakhonych ◽  
Liudmyla M. Andrusiv ◽  
Liudmyla M. Mozoliuk-Bodnar

The article examines the problems of legal science in the context of modern state-building processes in Ukraine through the prism of constitutional reform and ensuring the constitutional order. It is emphasised that one of the main causes of the socio-political crisis, economic unrest and social regress is imperfect legislation, which often does not meet the needs of Ukrainian society, European principles and international standards. On the other hand, it is obvious and historically confirmed that the adoption of a new Constitution or amendments to the current and improvement of legislation does not in itself mean a real law and order. For more than a quarter of a century, Ukraine has remained in a state of transition. It is noted that the assessment of the impact of constitutional legislation, which determines almost all reforms in the state, revealed the following priorities: the creation of favourable conditions for the formation of a new constitutional (state and social) system; determining the conditions for the formation of a new system of economic relations; consolidation of new principles of organisation and functioning of state and socio-political life; actual implementation of the provisions of the Basic Law; further constitutionalisation of all elements of the legal system; recognition of the authority of international law. Regarding the latter, it is stated that the legal ideas, norms and principles proclaimed in the Constitution of Ukraine, provisions on human and civil rights and freedoms must meet international standards, because by becoming a member of the Council of Europe, Ukraine has committed itself to implement European human rights standards, the supremacy of law and democracy. It is the amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine that should provide the foundation for democratic change and the construction of a European democracy that will allow building in Ukraine an independent European state, where every Ukrainian will feel dignified and protected. It was concluded that modern jurisprudence is characterised by a number of scientific methodological approaches, which allows a comprehensive approach to the study of law and legislation in different dimensions. This is objectively due to the constant complication of social relations, including international ones, and requires a deeper understanding of the content of this category and the prospects for its further development. This process will be effective only if it is carried out taking into account the specifics of law and, accordingly, the principles of its knowledge. There is also no doubt that only methodologically sound research of law will allow forming a holistic internally consistent theory of law, which can be applied in the theory of state and law, other areas of law, as well as in the course of state and legal development, including in Ukraine


Author(s):  
Sarah G. Phillips

This chapter sets the scene for Somaliland’s place within debates about the utility of northern intervention against violence and poverty in various southern contexts. It explores the way that the dominant discourse about state fragility frames the quality of domestic governance institutions in the Global South as both cause of, and solution to, the prevalence of conflict and poverty. In so doing, it brackets out alternative—nondomestic and noninstitutional—ways of understanding peace and development in the Global South. These exclusions also frame international intervention as self-evidently useful in making the world more peaceful and prosperous. The chapter argues that this dramatically overstates the impact that development or state-building interventions have because they constitute a small part of the means by which power and resources move between north and south.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 513-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benedetta Berti

The question of how involvement in institutional politics and governance affects rebel groups’ behaviour is pertinent when studying violent non-state actors, both during and in the aftermath of conflict. This is especially the case when participation in the political system becomes sustained over time. The interactions between the political and governance practices of a rebel group and its overall ideological orientation and state-building aspirations are not sufficiently analysed in the literature, especially in the context of hybrid armed-political organizations operating in latent, frozen or protracted conflicts. This article aims to begin to fill this gap by examining how involvement in institutional politics has shaped both Hamas’s and Hezbollah’s branding, interpretation and reliance on their own constitutive ideological manifestos, with an emphasis on both organizations’ dynamic processes aimed at reconciling political participation with their previous ideological rejection of the legitimacy of the political system and their constitutive calls to dramatically restructure the political order. Based on these detailed accounts, this article reflects on how the complex relationship between politics, electoral competition, governance and ideological principles can shape an armed group’s political identity.


1992 ◽  
Vol 86 (4) ◽  
pp. 938-950 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eileen Lorenzi McDonagh

I draw upon state-building and legislative literatures to investigate how constituency-based representative institutions in the Progressive Era nationalized innovative public policies, thereby expanding the authority of the federal government as a component of the modern American state developing at that time. Using state-level referenda votes as measures of grassroots views, multivariate analysis discloses the impact of district opinion, as well as party and district economy, as major determinants of House roll call voting on landmark regulatory legislation authorizing federal intervention in market relationships, state suffrage qualifications, and life-style behaviors involving intoxicating beverages.


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