scholarly journals Iran and Saudi Arabia’s Strategic Rivalry and the Middle Eastern Security: An Assessment

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 17-19
Author(s):  
Azeem Gul ◽  
Rizwana Karim Abbasi ◽  
Syed Arslan Haider
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Positive Development ◽  
Nuclear Program ◽  
Syrian Crisis ◽  
External Power ◽  
Regional Influence

The strategic rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran has been worsened for the last two decades. This historical sectarian divisions led by Saudi Arabia and Iran has now morphed into a struggle for regional influence between Shia political power led by Iran and Sunni political power led by Saudi Arabia. Against this backdrop, the study examines the contours of the Middle Eastern security in the context of Saudi and Iran strategic rivalry in various conflicts such as crisis in Syria, Yemen, and situation in Iraq including proxy wars and Iran’s nuclear program. The study finds out that the security situation of the Middle East would have been much better if Saudi and Iran would have cooperated on various issues such as Yemen and Syrian crisis. In addition, the internal vulnerabilities of the Middle East with Iran and Saudi strategic antagonism provided opportunities to the external power intervention that further has intensified the conflicts in the region. The study concludes that the solution of the Middle Eastern problem would lie in building cooperation between Iran and Saudi Arabia relations and in this respect the current rapprochement between the two states is a positive development for Middle Eastern security.

Middle East Experience in Palliative Care

2012 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ghaith F. Abu Zeinah ◽  
Sadeer G. Al-Kindi ◽  
Azza Adel Hassan
Keyword(s):  
Palliative Care ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Formal Education ◽  
Service Providers ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Education And Awareness ◽  
Scarcity Of Resources

Palliative Care (PC) is still a relatively new concept in the Middle East (ME). It was first introduced in Saudi Arabia in 1992 and only recently in countries such as Qatar, Bahrain, and the UAE. Although the majority of Middle-Eastern countries, including Palestine, Iraq, Oman and Lebanon are in the capacity building phase, others such as Saudi and Jordan already have localized provision. In the absence of any of the ME countries approaching integration with the mainstream service providers, Saudi Arabia and Jordan are currently setting examples of achievement in the field. There are still countries with little or no known Palliative Care activity (Yemen and Syria). Political issues, scarcity of resources, and lack of education and awareness seem to be the common factors restricting the progress of this field in most countries. In order to improve the suboptimal PC services in the ME, emphasis should be directed toward providing formal education to professionals and raising awareness of the public. It is also necessary to put all differences aside and develop cross-border collaborations, whether through third party organizations such as the Middle East Cancer Consortium (MECC) or otherwise. This review compiles the available literature on the history and progress of the field of PC in most ME countries, while pointing out the major obstacles encountered by the active parties of each country.

scholarly journals American Strategy of "Sufficient Presence" in the Middle East

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 236-251
Author(s):  
I. V. Ryzhov ◽  
M. Yu. Borodina ◽  
T. V. Baranova
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Threat Assessment ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Nuclear Program ◽  
Syrian Crisis ◽  
The Us ◽  
Middle East Policy ◽  
Trump Administration

Abstract: After D. Trump came to power it started developing a new US Middle East policy, based on the regional threat assessment, such as the unstable political situation in a number of regional countries, radical regimes, terrorism, especially ISIS. In addition, the most important task for the Trump administration was to try to regain lost US influence in the region, which resulted in the so-called "strategy of sufficient presence" and in the support of regional allies, "centers of power" such as Israel.A distinctive feature of D. Trump's policy in the region can be considered a change in rhetoric regarding the Iranian nuclear program up to the introduction of new economic sanctions. Moreover, the American approach to the settlement of the Syrian crisis is connected with the prevention of the growing influence of Iran and Russia in the region.American-Turkish relations also underwent significant changes, which were very tense until 2017. The states managed to find common ground on a number of issues of international politics. However, the situation is still significantly complicated by American support for the Kurds in their quest for autonomy.Trump's ratings at home are falling, and therefore there is a possibility that Trump will lose the upcoming presidential elections to his opponent D. Biden. However, trying to predict the prospects of the US Middle East policy in the event of D. Biden's victory, the authors came to the conclusion that it will not undergo significant changes, except for the nuclear deal with Iran. The key tasks of American foreign policy will remain the fight against terrorism, countering the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and the search for likeminded states in the region.

scholarly journals Non-Hodgkin Lymphoma in the Middle East Is Characterized by Low Incidence Rates With Advancing Age

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Rafil T. Yaqo ◽  
Sana D. Jalal ◽  
Kharaman J. Ghafour ◽  
Hemin A. Hassan ◽  
Michael D. Hughson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Hodgkin Lymphoma ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
B Cell Lymphoma ◽  
Cancer Registries ◽  
The United States ◽  
Incidence Rates ◽  
Non Hodgkin Lymphoma

PURPOSE In the Middle East, incidence rate ratios (IRRs) of non-Hodgkin lymphoma (NHL) to Hodgkin lymphoma (HL) are more than 50% lower than the United States. MATERIALS AND METHODS Age-specific incidence rates (ASIRs), age-adjusted incidence rates (AAIRs), and IRRs of NHL:HL were compared using the cancer registries of Iraq, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and US SEER. RESULTS The NHL AAIR (95% CI) per 100,000 population was 4.4 (4.1 to 4.7) for Iraq, 5.4 (4.6 to 6.2) for Jordan, 4.7 (4.4 to 5.1) for Saudi Arabia, and 13.2 (13.0 to 13.4) for the United States. The HL AAIR was 1.8 (1.6 to 2.0) for Iraq, 1.8 (1.4 to 2.2) for Jordan, 2.1 (1.9 to 2.2) for Saudi Arabia, and 2.3 (2.2 to 2.4) for the United States, with respective NHL:HL IRR of 2.4 (2.2 to 2.7), 3.0 (2.4 to 3.8), 2.2 (2.0 to 2.5), and 5.7 (5.5 to 6.0). NHL ASIRs for the Middle East and the United States were similar until 30 to 39 years of age. Thereafter, ASIR of NHL peaked at 20 to 33 per 100,000 at age 70 years in the Middle East regions, all much lower than the US age 70 years rate of greater than 100 per 100,000. Diffuse large B-cell lymphoma (DLBCL) represented 52% of NHL in Sulaimaniyah Province of Iraq and 51% of NHL in Saudi Arabia. Both regions had AAIR for DLBCL less than 42% of DLBCL in US SEER. Pediatric Epstein-Barr virus–related Burkitt’s lymphoma at 8% was the second most frequent NHL in Sulaimaniyah but made little contribution to overall NHL rates. CONCLUSION The incidence of HL was slightly lower than in the United States, but it was the markedly lower rates of adult NHL with advancing age, including the predominant DLBCL, that accounted for the low NHL:HL IRR in these Middle Eastern countries.

Middle Eastern Entanglements

2020 ◽  
pp. 119-156
Author(s):  
Daniel S. Markey
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
The United States ◽  
Regional Role ◽  
Strategic Value ◽  
Energy Trade ◽  
History Of ◽  
Trade And Investment

This chapter discusses the intersection of Chinese, Iranian, Saudi (and to a lesser extent, American and Russian) interests in the Middle East. It introduces a brief history of China’s links with the Middle East and explains how Beijing’s regional role has, until recently, tended to be relatively limited. But China’s ties to the region have grown significantly, especially in terms of energy trade and investment. The chapter explores how Iranians perceive economic and strategic value in China as a means to sustain the ruling regime, resist pressure from the United States, and compete with Saudi Arabia. It explores Saudi-China ties as well, finding that the monarchy sees China as essential to its strategy for economic development. The chapter concludes that both Tehran and Riyadh will continue to court Beijing and that the Middle East is primed for greater Chinese involvement, less reform, and more geopolitical competition.

IRAN, SAUDI ARABIA AND TURKEY: EMERGING RELIGIOUS IDENTITY OF AZERBAIJAN

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 157-167
Author(s):  
Askar Battalov ◽  
Svetlana Kozhirova ◽  
Tleutai Suleimenov
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Political Factor ◽  
Religious Identities ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Islamic World ◽  
Southern Caucasus ◽  
The Impact

The authors discuss the evolution of religious identity of Azerbaijan and the impact of Middle Eastern actors (Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey) on the process. Today, the pro-Islamic leaders of the Middle East are attempting, with the persistence that can hardly be overestimated, to move into the Southern Caucasus, one of the world’s strategically important regions. Thus, the uncompromising rivalry of religious ideologies is hardly surprising. It means that the national and religious identities of post-Soviet Azerbaijan have come to the fore in the context of Iranian-Turkic, Iranian-Arab and Shi‘a-Sunni confrontation. Today, there are enough drivers behind the already obvious awareness of their religious identity among young Azeris. The complicated search for national and religious identities in independent Azerbaijan is driven by an outburst of national and religious sentiments during the protracted Karabakh conflict and two wars with Armenia (in 1992-1994 and 2020). The process is unfolding under the huge influence of theocratic Shi‘a Iran, the closest neighbor with its twenty-five million-strong Azeri diaspora; proliferation of the puritanical Wahhabi teaching of Saudi Arabia and Salafism as its export variant throughout the Caucasus, and, last but not least, strategic rapprochement with Turkey that is moving away from nationalism towards Islamism. This has made Azerbaijan a fertile soil for a confrontation within the multipolar Islamic world, which is expanding the geography of its conflicts to the Southern Caucasus. The proxy wars in Syria and Iraq, in which the Shi‘a-Sunni confrontation is also obvious may destabilize the Caucasus in the future. Here the authors assess the impact of the Middle Eastern heavyweights—Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey— on the process of shaping the Azeri religious identity as an Islamic political factor.

scholarly journals Growth of health literacy research activity in three Middle Eastern countries

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. e000027
Author(s):  
Soheila Bazm ◽  
Reihaneh Bazm ◽  
Farzaneh Sardari
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Health Literacy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Research Productivity ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Bibliometric Indicator ◽  
Health Indicators ◽  
Scientific Activity ◽  
Research Activity ◽  
Pubmed Database

BackgroundHealth literacy is defined as the capacity to obtain, interpret and understand basic health information. In each country, the count of published literature is a good indicator for scientific activity. This study aimed to assess the growth rate of scientific production in the field of health literacy in Middle Eastern countries during 2005–2014.MethodsWe used the PubMed database and retrieved 839 papers in the field of health literacy from three productive countries in the Middle East: Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey. We applied the bibliometric indicator of Price’s Law to assess the increase of scientific literature. The correlation between bibliometric data and some health indicators such as gross domestic product and population was calculated.ResultsWorldwide research productivity in health literacy field was 56 653 documents while that from Middle Eastern countries were 839 papers. Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia were three productive countries in Middle East. Iran and Saudi Arabia have undergone exponential growth, but Turkey has undergone linear growth over the studied period.ConclusionsIn conclusion, although the present data show promising increase and good start in research productivity from countries in Middle East, they have a trivial sharing in publishing scientific papers in the field of health literacy through 2005–2014.

scholarly journals Molecular analysis of foot-and-mouth disease type O viruses isolated in Saudi Arabia between 1983 and 1995

1997 ◽  
Vol 119 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. R. SAMUEL ◽  
N. J. KNOWLES ◽  
R. P. KITCHING ◽  
S. M. HAFEZ
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Foot And Mouth Disease ◽  
Vaccine Virus ◽  
Mouth Disease ◽  
Serotype O ◽  
Group 12 ◽  
Foot And Mouth ◽  
Vaccine Virus Strain

Partial nucleotide sequence of the capsid polypeptide coding gene 1D (VP1) was determined for 68 serotype O foot-and-mouth disease viruses isolated between 1983 and 1995 from outbreaks occurring in Saudi Arabia. The sequences were compared with previously published sequences: 14 viruses of Middle Eastern origin (isolated between 1987 and 1991); and with four vaccine virus strain sequences, three originating from the Middle East (O1/Turkey/Manisa/69, O1/Sharquia/Egypt/72 and O1/Israel/2/85) and one from Europe (O1/BFS 1860/UK/67). The virus isolates from Saudi Arabia and the Middle East vaccine virus strains formed a related genetic group distinct from the European O1virus. Within this large group 12 distinct genetic sublineages were observed.

scholarly journals Inclusive security architecture in the Middle East: peculiarities of functioning and Prospects for expansion

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Danila Sergeevich Krylov
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Swot Analysis ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Security Architecture ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Creation

This article explores the prerequisites for the creation and peculiarities of functioning of the inclusive security architecture in the Middle East. This system of ensuring and maintaining peace was established by Russia, and currently includes two cross-regional Middle Eastern powers – Turkey and Iran. The author analyzes the potential of involving new actors — Saudi Arabia and Israel – into the functioning of the security architecture. The article employs the method of SWOT-analysis for determining the advantages and disadvantaged of the inclusive security architecture in the Middle East, as well as outlining the major threats and capabilities of the system. The novelty of this research lies in giving definition to the concept of “inclusive security architecture”; assessing the strengths and weaknesses of the inclusive security architecture created by Russia in the Middle East; outlining the major threats and vulnerabilities of the system, as well as the potential attraction of new actors therein. The author also highlights the peculiarities of the key five pairs of conflict relations in the Middle East (Saudi Arabia — Iran, Saudi Arabia – Turkey, Saudi Arabia – Israel, Israel – Iran, and Israel – Turkey), the nature of which Russia should take into account within the framework of long-term planning. The conclusion is made that in the future, the inclusive security architecture may become one of the key pillars of peace and security in the Middle East, and gradually mitigate the conflicts in this region.

scholarly journals Middle Eastern policy of the Russian Federation in the post-soviet period: Dynamics of development

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-281
Author(s):  
Anna I. Abalian ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Intervention Strategy ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Syrian Crisis ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
Armed Intervention

The article is an overview of the main directions of the policy of the Russian Federation in the Middle East from 1991 to the present. Certain stages are identified when the transformation of the paradigm of the Middle East foreign policy and, accordingly, the change in the role of Russia in the regional arena took place. Various domestic and foreign policy factors are considered, which caused the loss of Russia’s influence in the countries of the region in the 1990s and early 2000s, but with the change in geopolitical realities, they lost their significance. This made it possible from the mid-2000s to begin the process of restoring ties with traditional Middle Eastern partners, simultaneously with the development of new areas of cooperation, in particular, with Israel and the monarchies of the Persian Gulf. The article also identifies strategic priorities that affect the nature of relations between Russia and such key countries of the region as Iran and Turkey as well as determine the dynamics of their development. Particular attention is paid to the comparative analysis and assessment of the geopolitical consequences of the policy of “active neutrality” in the early stages of the “Arab Spring”, which led to the weakening of bilateral relations with the countries of the Middle East and North Africa in addition to Russian positions in the region as a whole, and Russia’s armed intervention strategy within the current Syrian crisis. In conclusion, the author argues that there is a need for further development and diversification of contacts with the countries of the Middle East region in the formation of Russian foreign policy taking into account new trends in the world political and economic arena.

The Security Dilemma of Iraq and Syria and Regional Politics

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabir Muhammad
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Basic Logic ◽  
Regional Politics ◽  
Major Power ◽  
Security Dilemma ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
Hierarchical Position ◽  
Regional Influence ◽  
Roll Back

Middle Eastern dilemma is the corollary of the power vacuum after the Iraq invasion. ‘Replacement of authority’ does not necessarily conform to the objective of democracy and hope. Invade, overthrow, install and roll-back, a Machiavellian scheme, does not serve the goals of democracy. A major power in a hurry disturbs equilibrium. Replacing one autocrat with another will not do any good for the society at hand and the region into consideration. All the regional actors would try to adjust to the changes in equilibrium. As a result, organizations like ISIS exploit the slip-ups of provisional governments and get the backing of other actors, whose interests are at stake. The regional actors, operating in the environment of security dilemma join the conflict to extract as much as possible to keep regional balance in order. History replicates this phenomenon time and again. Middle East (Iraq and Syria) is the contemporary example of this phenomenon. This paper will try to understand the ongoing conflict in the Middle East from the perspective of regional politics operating under the environment of security dilemma, and major powers’ politics operating under the basic logic that regional influence enhance the capabilities of major powers that contribute to state’s hierarchical position internationally, which therefore, makes it difficult to create common grounds for peace process.

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