scholarly journals POLITICAL WILL AS A BASIS FOR THE FORMATION OF A LEGAL STATE DURING MIKHAIL GORBACHEV`s MANAGMENT PERIOD

Author(s):  
Ruslan FATIKHOV ◽  

The article deals with topical issues of the formation and formation of the rule of law in the USSR during the reign of Mikhail Gorbachev. The article considers the factors influencing the process of transformation of the political system of the socialist state within the framework of the establishment of the rule of law. Special attention is paid to such a factor as the political will of the country's leader.

1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-13
Author(s):  
Andrzej Zoll

The changes brought about in Poland and elsewhere in Europe by the fall of Communism have given rise to hopes for the establishment of a political system differing from the one which had been the fate of these countries. In place of totalitarianism, a new political system is to be created based on the democratic principles of a state under the rule of law. The transformation from totalitarianism to democracy is a process which has not yet been completed in Poland and still requires many efforts to be made before this goal may be achieved. One may also enumerate various pitfalls jeopardising this process even now. The dangers cannot be avoided if their sources and nature are not identified. Attempts to pervert the law and the political system may only be counteracted by legal means if the system based on the abuse of the law has not yet succeeded in establishing itself. Resistance by means of the law only has any real chance of success provided it is directed against attempts to set up a totalitarian system. Once the powers which are hostile to the state bound by the rule of law take over the institutions of the state, such resistance is doomed to failure.


Significance A spate of recent judiciary-related controversies is raising questions about the political system and the rule of law in Cambodia. Impacts Lack of confidence in the judiciary will probably trigger incidents of politicised social unrest. Ineffective legal reform could reduce investors' appetite for Cambodia. Inadequate legal reforms could cause Cambodian business disadvantage, for instance in ASEAN integration.


2018 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-191
Author(s):  
Wojciech Sokół

The aim of the study is to compare selected elements of the political systems of the Republic of Poland and Ukraine in both structural and functional terms. The subject of the study is the genesis and direction of systemic changes, the specifi city of governmental systems, mechanisms of political rivalry and its main actors, i.e. political parties. The analysis shows that systemic solutions in Poland were characterised by greater stability, attachment to the principles of the rule of law and democratic values. In the political system of Ukraine there was quite a large dynamic of change in this area. These changes were instrumental to a greater degree than in Poland and subordinated to preferences that were dominant in particular periods.


2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 551-563
Author(s):  
Olena Yatsunska

In the current situation of societal modernization and transformation of the political system of Ukraine, one of the most important problems facing the country is the formation of a system of local self-government that can act effectively. If this institution is not developed and strengthened, there can be no discussion of the establishment of democratic, social government, of the development of the rule of law, or of an expansion of the infrastructure of civil society.


Author(s):  
Katarzyna Gajda-Roszczynialska ◽  
Krystian Markiewicz

Abstract This article advances the thesis that disciplinary proceedings may constitute a tool for breaking the rule of law in Poland. In 2017, as part of a package of legal changes to the judiciary, a disciplinary system was created in Poland to ensure that judges were subservient to the political will of the authorities. From the beginning, new disciplinary officers appointed by the Minister of Justice (the Prosecutor General) have targeted judges who disagree with unconstitutional changes to the judiciary. Disciplinary proceedings are by no means repressions that affect judges who demand that other authorities respect the rule of law in Poland. The article discusses, on a step by step basis, the practical mechanisms taken by the political authorities to break the rule of law in Poland. Particular attention is paid to the measures which have been taken concerning the judiciary. The article discusses the judgment of the CJEU on 19 November 2019 in combined cases C-585/18, C-624/18, and C-625/18 and the implementing resolution of the combined Civil, Criminal and Labour and Social Insurance Chambers of the Supreme Court on 23 January 2020 as well as the collapse of the rule of law in Poland from a practical perspective. The analysis of the recent events shows that after the so-called Muzzle Law (A bill amending the Act on the Organization of Ordinary Courts, the Act on the Supreme Court and the Act on the National Council of the Judiciary was submitted on 12 December 2019, and then voted on by the parliamentary majority in the lower house of the Polish Parliament (Sejm) on 20 December 2019.) came into force, the application of the resolution of the combined Civil, Criminal and Labour and Social Insurance Chambers of the Supreme Court on 23 January 2020 implementing the CJEU judgment in the joined cases C-585/18, C-624/18, and C-625/18 of 19 November 2019 can be and, in fact, is penalized by further disciplinary proceedings, which constitutes a real threat to the already weakened rule of law. Institutions and, above all, judges who are safeguarding the rule of law are being destroyed.


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Klaus A. Ziegert

The paper focuses on the potential of comparative sociology of law as an instrument for analysing the effective operation of law in society. This approach links normative and empirical approaches to legal research. Applying advanced sociological theory of law, the paper analyses how social and legal change affect development generally, and focuses the analysis on a comparative sample of countries along a geographical route linking Asia with Europe and vice versa, vaguely reminiscent of the historical Silk Roads on land and by sea.Sociological theory suggests analysing social and legal change from the perspective of the dynamics of the functional systems of world society rather than from a normative legal perspective which has individual territorial states and their national state law as a point of reference. The functional systems of world society, such as families (the family system), economics (the economic system), politics (the political system), civil society and law (the legal system) can be seen as both exerting stress on each other and adjusting to this stress by a structural change in local populations with sufficient structural adaptability towards a higher differentiation of all social structures.The rule of law emerges as a special pattern of this structural differentiation which compounds the structural adaptability of above all in the legal system and the political system world-wide. In turn, the rule of law is a condition for increasing the adaptive flexibility of social structures in local populations. The rule of law is, therefore, a crucial element in the on-going development of society. This pattern is not historically given once and for all. nor is it linked to particular forms of government and political systems. Understood in this way, the rule of law is not a normative political or constitutional wish-list but a social phenomenon which can provide comparative sociology of law with a useful set of indicators for describing the development of society and its law.


2016 ◽  
Vol 41 (02) ◽  
pp. 465-470 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sally Engle Merry

Does the rule of law guarantee peace and democracy, as so many people in the development and governance field believe? What are the historical and sociocultural conditions that shape the way rule of law mechanisms work in practice? Mark Massoud's monograph tracing the changing dimensions of the rule of law in Sudan from its colonial period to the present offers an important perspective on these questions, casting doubt on the simple argument that the rule of law produces democracy and peace. Instead, he shows how colonial and authoritarian rulers used the rule of law to consolidate power and legitimate their rule. In Law's Fragile State: Colonial, Authoritarian, and Humanitarian Legacies in Sudan, Massoud develops the concept of legal politics, arguing that the way the rule of law works varies with the political system in which it is embedded. He concludes that the forms of legal politics that reinforce the power and authority of legal institutions are more likely to sustain an authoritarian state than to bring democratic rule. His analysis is a valuable caution to those who promote the rule of law as the salvation for all. Taking a sociolegal perspective, he shows how it works in practice.


Author(s):  
Ahmed Sddam Idam

The promotion of a culture of citizenship - which reveals one of its meanings as embracing the members of society irrespective of religion, sect, ideology or nationalism - and embraces them in one common crucible - is one of the basic tasks of societies and political systems. Because their availability in any country indicates the extent and high level of social integration among its components, in the sense that the value of citizenship is the standard and the prominent feature that distinguishes this country from that. Societies that are divided and socially divided do not have the spirit of recognition of the other and hence lack of citizenship. The political system, which does not seek to assimilate the various groups and organize them in political and legal frameworks based on the rule of law and full political participation under the state of institutions and the recognition of civil, political and economic rights, Is also working to weaken the culture of citizenship. When talking about citizenship in the Iraqi situation, we find that it has been cracked by several reasons, some of them due to the policies of marginalization and marginalization adopted by the former political system towards society and thus created a culture of subjugation is unable to accommodate the colors of the community spectrum within the framework of the common homeland, The events of 9/4/2003 and the accompanying challenges have been obstacles to enhancing the culture of citizenship in post-political Iraq.


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (34) ◽  
pp. 158-183
Author(s):  
Wojciech M. Hrynicki

This paper shows that corruption constitutes a threat to the rule of law in a democratic law-observing state, destroying it from within and ridiculing it outside. It destabilises social relations in such a state, which adversely affects the political system as well as the development of legislation and economy. The paper also reminds that corruption erodes social relations, causing demoralisation and slackening of morals in society. Corruption may also be a threat to the life, health and property of citizens. The author tracks views about corruption using the method of theoretical analysis of the notions (critical analysis of secondary sources); the statistical method, mainly analysing the latest Corruption Perceptions Index (2019); and the dogmatic-legal method. He concludes that corruption destabilises multiple areas of the functioning of a democratic law-observing state, disrupting the political space, spoiling the law, and causing destructive phenomena in the economic as well as in the moral sphere. It ultimately destabilises state structures, rendering them dysfunctional and perverting the principles of democracy. Corruption interacts with legality acting as a feedback loop, as it destroys the rule of law and democracy, which in turn deepens corruptive phenomena.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-141
Author(s):  
Tomasz Stępniewski

The present paper discusses the following research questions: to what extent did errors made by the previous presidents of Ukraine result in the country’s failure to introduce systemic reforms (e.g. combating corruption, the development of a foundation for a stable state under the rule of law and free-market economy)?; can it be ventured that the lack of radical reforms along with errors in the internal politics of Ukraine under Petro Poroshenko resulted in the president’s failure?; will the strong vote of confidence given to Volodymyr Zelensky and the Servant of the People party exact systemic reforms in Ukraine?; or will Volodymyr Zelensky merely become an element of the oligarchic political system in Ukraine?


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