scholarly journals New President, Old Problems: The Challenges of Post-Nazarbayev State-Building in Kazakhstan

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aram Terzyan ◽  

This paper explores post-Nazarbayev state-building in Kazakhstan, focusing on domestic and foreign policy implications of the power transition. After thirty years of incumbency, President Nursultan Nazarbayev stepped down in 2019, smoothly transferring the power to his nominee, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, and thus plunged the country into a sensitive phase of power transition. This study suggests that the power transition in Kazakhstan has not led to significant improvements in terms of human rights and political freedoms protection, leaving the state of the weak opposition and constrained civil society intact. Kazakhstan keeps maintaining the core features of oil-rich countries, with hydrocarbon-based economy and regime stability stemming from an “authoritarian bargain” between the state and society. Besides, there has been continuity in foreign policy, with Kazakhstan further pursuing a multi-vectoral foreign policy agenda.

Author(s):  
Daron Acemoglu ◽  
James A. Robinson

Fragility arises when states are ineffective and when they are also illegitimate and unaccountable. These features are interconnected. People don’t want to cooperate with, or cede resources to, a state they cannot influence. We present a simple framework where the key to exiting fragility is a balance between the state and society. The state needs to develop more capacity, but to do this society needs to develop the ability to discipline and control it. We emphasize the existence of this type of “virtuous circle”—a phenomenon we call the “Red Queen effect.” We argue that the way of thinking about state-building is in terms of both widening the corridor in which the Red Queen effect operates and devising strategies to get into the corridor. We show how the framework helps account for the diminishing fragility of the state in post-apartheid South Africa, Somaliland, Sierra Leone, and Colombia.


2020 ◽  
pp. 088832542095348
Author(s):  
Zachary Mazur

This article presents the financial overhaul and tax reform of the Polish Second Republic that occurred between 1924 and 1925 in order to show how the state expands, to what ends, and how society responds to this increase in state power. During this short period, we can observe the introduction of new policies and the strengthening of institutions. This reform program was based upon fundamental changes to the way that Poland taxed the economy, namely, relying much more on direct taxation that required interaction between citizens and their state. The state gathered information on business activity and demanded citizens surrender their income to the treasury. As the narrative below will display, taxing the society necessitated state building in the institutional sense, and the execution of these policies led to an expansion of state power in the minds of citizens as they were compelled to comply without a direct threat of coercion. But this was not without consequence. Citizens, especially Jewish merchants, reacted negatively to what was perceived as an unfair process of tax assessment and an outsized tax burden. Precisely at these moments of conflict between state and society, the state emerges and becomes legible. Building on earlier scholarship examining the ways in which states make their territory and citizens legible, this article also shows how the state becomes legible to its citizens.


Author(s):  
Shemshuchenko Yurii ◽  
Skrypniuk Oleksandr

Introduction. 30 years after the adoption of the Declaration on State Sovereignty of Ukraine, its relevance and socio-political interest have not diminished. The potential of its importance and the impact on state-building processes in Ukraine are not fully understood and used to build a modern, modern independent state in Ukraine. All this encourages scientists to re-analyze one of the main acts of our country. Of particular importance for the further progress and development of Ukraine is the analysis of the ascending legal principles that laid the foundations for the revival of national sovereign statehood in Ukraine. The purpose of the study is to understand the basic principles of the Declaration on State Sovereignty of Ukraine, their importance for the development of modern state-making process, its deepening, which will contribute to building a European democratic, legal, social state in Ukraine, solving problems of securing state sovereignty of Ukraine in modern conditions violating its territoriality . The aim of the article. The article raises the problem of conceptual essence of the main provisions of the Declaration on State Sovereignty of Ukraine, the problems of their realization in the legal, political, economic spheres, national security and protection of statehood, implementation of foreign policy and European orientation of Ukraine, and their influence on the development of the state-making process and the sovereignty of Ukraine. Results. The factors of acceptance of the Declaration on the Proclamation of Ukraine's Sovereignty, the doctrinal principles of state sovereignty and their implementation in the state-making practice of Ukraine in the main spheres of state and public life before the proclamation of independence on August 24, 1991 are revealed in the article. The generator of ideas of sovereignty and the driving force behind the adoption of the Declaration were national-democratic forces. The declaration was adopted by more than a constitutional majority, which confirmed the nationwide support for the ideas of Ukraine's sovereignty. Conclusions. The Declaration became a fundamental act, which had the meaning of a constitutional act. It was a revolutionary document that declared a radical change in worldviews and values ​​for society and defined the ways of its development and strategic directions of building a sovereign state in Ukraine. The Declaration laid the legal foundations of statehood: the rule of the Constitution and laws of Ukraine, its right to its own Armed Forces, security bodies, inviolability of its territory, right to its own citizenship, right to free national and spiritual development of the nation, independently determine the economic status and pursue foreign policy, etc. It marked the birth of modern constitutionalism in Ukraine and became the basis for the development and adoption of a new democratic Constitution. It was a strategic document that embodied the conceptual foundations of state-building, the construction of civil society and their purpose.


Author(s):  
Noah Dauber

This chapter examines Thomas Hobbes' views on the tradition of commonwealth and its relationship to the state by offering a reading of his book The Elements of Law. It argues that Hobbes, by drawing on his understanding of the theory of sanctification and the doctrine of justification, developed a political theory that split the difference between two rival groups: the supporters of the personal rule, who insisted that the law was binding in conscience, and the puritan opposition, who believed that conscience provided a reason for noncompliance. The chapter first considers the most controversial aspects of state building during Charles I's personal rule, the forced loan and the collection of ship money, before discussing Hobbes's ideas on the issue of taxation, his critique of the claims of distributive justice, and his understanding of the persistence of sovereignty as a dynamic relationship between the state and society.


1988 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 122-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Mears

One of the most striking features of seventeenth-century state building was the formation of standing armies. Kings and princes throughout Europe, responding to conditions of almost constant strife, were compelled to transform ineffective feudal levies and unruly bands of mercenaries into regularized bodies of professional troops, making ever larger and more costly military establishments instruments of rational foreign policy rather than the preserves of the old nobility or freebootingcondottieri. In building armies of the new type, European monarchs had to surmount determined opposition from two sources: the local representative bodies (estates) which were reluctant to grant rulers the powers of taxation necessary for the maintenance of permanent troops, and the mercenary colonels who were expected to relinquish their rights as independent recruiting masters and subordinate themselves to the state. By the middle decades of the seventeenth century, various territorial sovereigns were successfully mastering this opposition to their political authority and were able to take an essential step in the direction of true standing armies by routinely keeping strong military forces under their command at the conclusion of a campaign, thereby diminishing their reliance on contingents approved by the provincial estates or soldiers hastily raised by private entrepreneurs to meet specific emergencies.


Author(s):  
R.A. TATAROV ◽  
А.S. FRANZ

The article is a scientific study of the formation and functioning of the political regime in the dynamics of the state building of the Transnistrian Republic. The analysis of the Transnistrian statehood phenomenon is fully based on the existing methods of political theory and sociological Sciences. The authors present the Genesis of the political and legal world in the Transnistrian realities through the prism of the implementation of the main directions of domestic and foreign policy of the Transnistrian Moldavian Republic. The variety of approaches to the interpretation and typology of the political regime in the mirror of Transnistrian realities made it possible to identify and justify the existing trends in the political process of Transnistria.


Author(s):  
I. Tsyrfa

On the basis of distinguishing the main features of public administration and interaction between the state and society in the period of a complex multi-level systemic crisis, the essence of the power and political organization of anti-crisis management in the context of formation of the foreign policy identity of Ukraine is determined. Stable interrelations between the state and society are revealed to play the key role in the process of the foreign policy identification of an actor nowadays. The historical features and relevant social and spiritual values of the society are proved to be decisive determinants while building the foreign policy identity of the state. They form key identity markers that the state extrapolates into the external space. This process provides a comparable stability of the foreign policy identity of an actor when implementing its foreign policy and during its interactions with other subjects of the world politics. The anti-crisis management on the state level is determined to be currently carried out within the general system integrity, which functioning is conditioned by the natural and geographic, social and economic, political and spiritual and moral systems. Interaction with these systems provides implementation of the anti-crisis management inside the state. In this sense, the most important role is played not only by the institutionalization of the power and political organization of anti-crisis management, but also by the formation of spatial images that contribute to the formation of the foreign policy identity of the state on the international arena.


1989 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 16-28
Author(s):  
Jerome M. Segal
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 613-620
Author(s):  
Igor N. Tyapin

The author of the article uses the works of L.A. Tikhomirov as the basis when examining the problem of criticism of the conditions of the state and society in monarchic Russia during the last decade of its existence from the part of the conservative figures who not only advocated the necessity to preserve the autocracy but also substantially contributed to the working out of the main principles of Russian social development. In particular, the “creative conservators” managed to accomplish the deep philosophic conceptualization of Russian history while trying to find the previously lost ideal of social organization. Tikhomirov’s relevant concepts of the mutual conditionality of Russian national consciousness underdevelopment and state degradation, as well as of the necessity to realize the model of the moral state of justice on the basis of the national idea, were not accepted by the bureaucratic system that resulted before long in the collapse of Russian monarchic state.


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