scholarly journals Keterwakilan Perempuan pada Pemilihan Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Kabupaten Tulang Bawang Barat pada Pemilihan Umum (Pemilu) 2019

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 44-50
Author(s):  
Ari Hervina ◽  
Hertanto Hertanto ◽  
Arizka Warganegara

The breakthrough to achieve justice in the political field is the implementation of an affirmative action system, which is a system used globally to enable women to play their role, especially in the world of politics. The purpose of this research is to find out, analyze and explain what factors influence women's representation in the West Tulang Bawang Regency DPRD election results in 2019 and to find out, analyze and explain strategies for increasing women's representation in PDIP, Nasdem Party and Gerindra Party. As for those who became respondents in this study amounted to 7 people. The results of this research are 1) The factors that influence women's representation in the Legislative Election DPRD Tulang Bawang Barat Regency are 3 (three), namely political education, political communication and political culture and the most dominant factor influencing is "patriarchal culture" with the conclusion explanation as follows: The following: 1) Political education: political education efforts for legislative candidates, especially women, are not effectively implemented, this is due to time constraints and the reluctance of women legislative candidates to access and deepen knowledge about the world of politics, b) Political communication: political communication efforts the majority of legislative candidates only rely on the media mix and are less effective in direct political communication or interpersonal communication such as open campaigns or door to door. c) Political culture: patriarchal culture is still cultured, namely a culture that places women in a position that is always under men, is considered to have duties and responsibilities in domestic management of the household, namely kitchens, wells and mattresses. And 2) The strategy to increase women's representation in PDIP, Nasdem Party and Gerindra Party is carried out in 3 (three) ways, namely a) Increasing political education, b) Increasing political marketing and c) Increasing women's political participation.

2003 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 587-614 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meg Russell ◽  
Colm O'Cinneide

The issue of women's under-representation in politics continues to be controversial and pressing in countries all over the world. According to the Inter Parliamentary Union, only 14.7 per cent of the world's legislators are women.1 In no country do women achieve parity with men in terms of parliamentary representation. The record of many of the world's most developed countries is particularly poor. Looking at lower houses of the legislature, in the US women's representation is only 14 per cent, in the UK 18 per cent, France 12 per cent and Italy 10 per cent. These countries are considerably out-performed by others such as South Africa and Argentina, both at 30 per cent.2


2006 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-107
Author(s):  
Rae Nicholl

In many places in the world, women struggle to be heard and, when it comes to having a voice in the highest authority in the land, the difficulties in some countries can be almost insurmountable. Women in Fiji are confronting the problem of women’s representation in Parliament. With only a small number of women (7.04 percent) in the House of Representatives, what changes could the citizens of Fiji make to remedy this lack of female representation? One answer that could be considered is for Fijian lawmakers to make amendments to the alternative vote electoral system, a variation on preferential voting. The alternative vote falls into the same simple plurality category as first-past-the-post, a system notoriously unfriendly to women candidates.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Dewi Walahe

The purpose of this study is to know the political power of women in the organization of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in Gorontalo District. The research method used is quantitative method, and research type is descriptive. Data collection using questionnaires, interviews, observation and documentation. The research informant is the leader of the PKS Party of Gorontalo district. The result of the research shows that 1) the representation of women in the governance of the PKS party in Gorontalo Regency has not been able to fulfill women's representation 30% in the management of political parties according to Law no. 2 Year 2008 Jo. Law no. 2 Year 2011 on Political Parties. 2) There are four factors that inhibit the fulfillment of 30% of women's representation until it is not fulfilled: First, from the normative point, the Law regulating it is Law no. 2 Year 2008 Jo. UU no. 2 Year 2011 on political parties is not effective in the implementation process. Second, the cultural factor, patriarchal culture, where is men have a higher position than women; third, the Political Party Factor itself. The party sometimes never gives women the opportunity to occupy strategic positions in party stewardship so women are sometimes overlooked; and fourth, the factor of the woman's personal. Indonesian women are still a lot of pessimists or feel afraid of themselves.


2015 ◽  

Gender discrimination continues to be a reality in several parts of the world, also in Europe. The aim of this book is to provide an overview of both European Union’s (EU) gender policies and gender balance in EU institutions. It does so by looking at gender equality policies and the EU legal system concerning gender equality, women’s representation within diff erent institutions (and more particularly in the European External Action Service), gender rights as a type of human rights and the EU’s role in the external promotion of womens’ rights in third countries. The analysis shows that women’s representation in the EU institutions has increased in the last decades and that the EU has strengthened its att ention to gender rights in its external relations as well, however the results of both att empts are far from being fully satisfactory.


2021 ◽  
pp. 42-68
Author(s):  
Maria C. Escobar-Lemmon ◽  
Valerie J. Hoekstra ◽  
Alice J. Kang ◽  
Miki Caul Kittilson

Chapter 3 asks where and why have women made the most strides on high courts? What factors help courts move beyond having one “woman’s seat”? This chapter draws on the authors’ dataset on the percentage and number of women on high courts. The chapter describes regional, cross-national, and time-serial variation in the gender composition of courts and identifies the courts which have achieved gender parity. Analyses reveal that both international and regional influences play a significant role in explaining women’s representation after the appointment of the first woman, more so than accountable selectors or economic development. Specifically, the analysis suggests that courts located in regions of the world where women are commonly included on courts, as well as those with a longer commitment to international law, have more women. Additionally, larger courts are more likely to have more women justices. The chapter also underscores how progress toward parity on courts is not linear, identifying those courts which reverted to being all-men after having appointed the first woman.


Significance Kenyatta and Odinga claim the reforms will mitigate Kenya’s winner-takes-all political culture. Critics allege they aim simply to shore up an emerging Kenyatta/Odinga coalition ahead of the 2022 elections. Impacts The rush to draft new legislation and organise the referendum will divert government attention away from other priorities. It may not be possible to realise the reforms in time for electoral authorities to adjust their preparations, thus risking a poll delay. Expansions to women’s representation aim in part to allay judicial complaints that rules on gender balance are not currently respected.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fajar Nursahid ◽  
Aditya Perdana ◽  
Maswadi Rauf

This study examined the weak of local parliament (DPRD)'s role in serving legislation, budgeting, and supervision function as well as its low of women’s representation. It is assumed that DPRD position as part of regional government regime –instead of parliament one, make them impossible to play the role utmost. DPRD is frequently compared with the central parliament (DPR): Despite being the same legislative bodies, however, they have different roles and authority. In contrast to this assumption, rules by law normatively conceive that role of DPR and DPRD are remains the same. Their difference is just the level of they represent. Therefore, DPRD's inability to conduct normative roles pursuant to provisions of laws is important to explain. Taking the provincial DPRD of West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) as the case, this study attempted to disentangle weak of the local parliament, despite having broad normative authority. Several causes related to lack of human resources, lack of technical support and facilities, are the constitute factors that contribute DPRD's weak role. Meanwhile, the strong patriarchal culture and the fierce of electoral competition have been contributing to low women’s representation in DPRD. The study is expected to provide a significant contribution to the academic debate on the non-optimal existence of DPRD. Also, a debate on women in politics, particularly with respect their representation in the local parliament.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fajar Nursahid ◽  
◽  
Aditya Perdana ◽  
Maswadi Rauf

This study examined the weak of local parliament (DPRD)'s role in serving legislation, budgeting, and supervision function as well as its low of women’s representation. It is assumed that DPRD position as part of regional government regime –instead of parliament one, make them impossible to play the role utmost. DPRD is frequently compared with the central parliament (DPR): Despite being the same legislative bodies, however, they have different roles and authority. In contrast to this assumption, rules by law normatively conceive that role of DPR and DPRD are remains the same. Their difference is just the level of they represent. Therefore, DPRD's inability to conduct normative roles pursuant to provisions of laws is important to explain. Taking the provincial DPRD of West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) as the case, this study attempted to disentangle weak of the local parliament, despite having broad normative authority. Several causes related to lack of human resources, lack of technical support and facilities, are the constitute factors that contribute DPRD's weak role. Meanwhile, the strong patriarchal culture and the fierce of electoral competition have been contributing to low women’s representation in DPRD. The study is expected to provide a significant contribution to the academic debate on the non-optimal existence of DPRD. Also, a debate on women in politics, particularly with respect their representation in the local parliament.


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