scholarly journals GERMAN NON-CLASSICAL PHILOSOPHICAL CONCEPTS OF RELIGION AND ISLAMIC CULTURE

2020 ◽  
pp. 121-133
Author(s):  
Asliddin Sultonov
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Cultural Development ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Religious Tolerance ◽  
World Religions ◽  
The World ◽  
Historical Retrospect ◽  
Un General Assembly ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Islamic Values

A number of works are being carried out on the formation of high spirituality, ensuring freedom of conscience, and applying the principle of religious tolerance in Uzbekistan. The study and promotion of the rich religious and philosophical heritage created by our great ancestors, as well as the works of the world philosophy of religion, have become widespread. Teaching students the basics of religious studies, the history of world religions, and the philosophy of world religions is an important factor in forming a scientifc worldview in society and fostering a spirit of respect for religious feelings. In the speech of the President of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev at the 72nd session of the UN General Assembly in September 2017, in New York, a proposal was put forward to adopt a special resolution entitled “Enlightenment and religious tolerance”, and accordingly, on December 12, 2018, the adoption of a special resolution entitled “Enlightenment and religious tolerance” at the UN General Assembly indicates that understanding, analysis, and evaluation of religious and social processes based on knowledge shows that this has become an urgent problem throughout the world. In this sense, it is desirable to inform modern students about the philosophical ideas, analyses and concepts expressed in the feld of religion, as well as to develop their skills of independent analysis. This article on the topic of German non-classical religious and philosophical concepts has theoretical and practical-pedagogical signifcance in this regard. It is intended to give religious and philosophical thoughts, coherent ideas that have had a great impact on world cultural development, the purpose of which is to look deeper at the views of German non-classical philosophers on religion and other aspects of it, as well as to show their role and signifcance in understanding modern cultural processes. The article focuses on the description of religious and philosophical teachings formed by post-classical German philosophers according to historical retrospect, and the degree of correspondence of certain characteristic moments of these teachings with Islamic values. The analysis shows that most German non-classical philosophers put forward ideas close to Islamic values in terms of the content of their teachings.

scholarly journals The Sudanese Women’s Advocacy Mission to New York and Washington DC

1970 ◽  
pp. 72-75
Author(s):  
Marie-Christine Aquarone
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The United States ◽  
Peace Movement ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Washington Dc ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
The World ◽  
Un General Assembly

In June 2000, eight women from the war-torn country of Sudan traveled to the United States to present their message to the world. They wished to say that they were tired of the 45-year-old Sudanese civil war and they wanted to announce that they had formed a peace movement and were calling for an active role in the peace negotiations, to help end the war. Their discussions with United Nationsofficials and high-ranking officers of agencies and nongovernmental organizations coincided with the Beijing +5 conference, a conference on women’s rights convened by the UN General Assembly that was attended by more than 10,000 female delegates from 180 countries.

What’s in a Name? Challenges to the Creation of EU Delegations

2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edith Drieskens
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
European Commission ◽  
External Action ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
First Year ◽  
The World ◽  
Un General Assembly ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Eu

Summary One of the Lisbon Treaty’s most significant innovations was the creation of the European External Action Service (EEAS), which changed the EU’s functioning not only in Brussels, but also around the world. Zooming in on the multilateral context of the UN in New York, this article examines the new EU delegations and highlights the main challenges that are inherent in their establishment. These delegations could be engrafted upon a wide network of European Commission delegations, yet the literature gives little indication of success in integrating the functions and actors. Adding to the literature and building upon interviews with policy officials in both Brussels and New York, this article indicates an additional external challenge in implementing Lisbon’s provisions, with the context of the UN General Assembly raising more fundamental questions on status and membership — questions that have also shaped the role of the EU delegation to the UN during its first year of operation.

France Accused: French North Africa before the United Nations, 1952–1962

2001 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Thomas
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
United Nations ◽  
North Africa ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Algerian War ◽  
North African ◽  
Un General Assembly ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Nationalist Parties ◽  
Major General

In the decade after 1952 France faced sustained United Nations criticism of its colonial policies in north Africa. As membership of the UN General Assembly expanded, support for the non-aligned states of the Afro-Asian bloc increased. North African nationalist parties established their permanent offices in New York to press their case for independence. Tracing UN consideration of French North Africa from the first major General Assembly discussion of Tunisia in 1952 to the end of the Algerian war in 1962, this article considers the tactics employed on both sides of the colonial/anti-colonial divide to manipulate the UN Charter's ambiguities over the rights of colonial powers and the jurisdiction of the General Assembly in colonial disputes.

scholarly journals Proposals for the Negotiation Process on the United Nations Global Compact for Migration

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 682-693 ◽  
Author(s):  
Víctor Genina
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
United Nations ◽  
International Migration ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Global Compact ◽  
Member States ◽  
Un General Assembly ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
High Level

On September 19th, 2016, the United Nations (UN) General Assembly adopted Resolution 71/1, the text of the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants (the “New York Declaration”). Resolution 71/1 is the outcome document of the high-level plenary meeting on addressing large movements of refugees and migrants, held at the UN headquarters. The New York Declaration reflects how UN member states have decided to address the challenge of large movements of people in two main legal categories: asylum seekers/refugees and migrants. Resolution 71/1 includes an annex titled “Towards a Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration” (the “global compact for migration” or “global compact”). This document is comprised of several thematic issues related to international migration that will be the basis of a globally negotiated agreement on how member states should respond to international migration at the national, regional, and international levels, as well as to issues related to international migration and development. The global compact for migration is intended to be adopted at a conference on international migration and development before the inauguration of the 73rd annual session of the UN General Assembly in September 2018. This paper addresses how UN member states should plan to address international migration in the future. It does not refer to refugees and asylum seekers: a global compact on refugees will be drafted by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in 2018, and to be presented to the UN General Assembly for states' consideration during its 73rd annual session, which starts in September 2018.1 For those who have been involved in migration issues within the United Nations, the fact that member states have finally agreed to convene an international conference on international migration represents a major achievement. It is the result of an extended process that started decades ago and was made possible by a long chain of efforts by many state delegations and other stakeholders. The global compact for migration will not be the first outcome document dealing exclusively with international migration. A declaration2 adopted at a high-level meeting at the United Nations in October 2013, for example, paved the way for the 2018 conference. Nonetheless, the global compact represents a unique opportunity to address international migration comprehensively and humanely. This paper contributes to the discussion on the elements that should be included in the global compact for migration. The paper is divided into two sections. The first section analyzes the main elements of Annex II, “Towards a Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration,” and the criteria that needs to be adopted in order to achieve a substantive outcome. In particular, participants in the negotiation process should aim to balance the concerns of states and the members of host societies, on one hand, with the needs and rights of migrants, on the other. The second section includes proposals to enrich the final global compact for migration and takes into account two documents written by two different actors within the UN system, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Migration, and the Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants. In particular, the paper proposes that the global compact for migration: • sets forth principles that can inform the actions of governments in relation to international migration at all levels; • enunciates a clearer definition of state protection responsibilities in relation to migrants in crisis situations and so-called “mixed flows”3; affords a substantive role to civil society organizations, the private sector, and academic institutions in the global compact's follow-up and review process; • defines the institutional framework for the implementation and follow-up of the global compact within the United Nations, including through the work of the UN High-level Political Forum on Sustainable Development (HLPF); • establishes a mechanism to fund migration policies for states that lack enough resources to invest sufficiently in this task; and • builds a cooperation-oriented, peer-review mechanism to review migration policies. The paper has been conceived as an input for those who will take part in the negotiation of the global compact for migration, as well as those who will closely follow those negotiations. Thus, the paper assumes a level of knowledge on how international migration has been addressed within the United Nations during the last several years and of the complexities of these negotiation processes. The author took part in different UN negotiation processes on international migration from 2004 to 2013. The paper is primarily based on this experience.4

scholarly journals A Global Environmental Constitution for the Anthropocene?

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louis Kotzé
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Best Practice ◽  
Environmental Law ◽  
Regulatory Reform ◽  
Ecological Crisis ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
International Environmental Law ◽  
Global Environmental ◽  
The World ◽  
Un General Assembly

AbstractInternational environmental law (IEL) has been unable to respond effectively to the Anthropocene’s global socio-ecological crisis, which is critically existential and requires radical interventions and regulatory reform. This article explores the potential of the recent United Nations (UN)-backed initiative to adopt a Global Pact for the Environment as an opportunity to reform IEL. It does so by (i) reflecting on the Anthropocene’s demands for a constitutionalized form of IEL through the lens of global environmental constitutionalism; (ii) investigating the extent to which the Global Pact could contribute to such a vision; and (iii) suggesting ways in which to strengthen the constitutional potential of the Global Pact in this endeavour. To this end, the article revisits the World Charter for Nature of 1982, which seems to have slipped off the radar in academic as well as policy circles. A case is made for renewed support of the Charter – which already enjoys the backing of the majority of UN General Assembly member states, and which has constitutional qualities – to serve as a ‘best-practice’ example during the ensuing negotiation of the Global Pact.

NEW INITIATIVES OF UZBEKISTAN AT THE 76TH SESSION OF THE UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (9) ◽  
pp. 73-79
Author(s):  
Zakhro Jurayeva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
International Cooperation ◽  
Biological Diversity ◽  
Environmental Problems ◽  
Human Rights Education ◽  
Convention On Biological Diversity ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
The World ◽  
Global Problems ◽  
Un General Assembly

The article is devoted to the review and analysis of the initiatives of Uzbekistan, voiced at the 76th session of the UN General Assembly. The author notes that these initiatives will contribute to further strengthening the image of Uzbekistan in the world arena, as well as solving global problems. Initiatives put forward by Uzbekistan at the 76th session of the UN General Assembly are aimed at creating new platforms for discussing global problems, as well as opening new areas of cooperation in the region of Central and South Asia.Keywords:UN, international initiatives, international cooperation, environmental problems, World Environmental Charter, Convention on Biological Diversity, human rights education

The Nicolas Maduro Regime (O.A.S.)

2020 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 226-230
Author(s):  
Christina M. Cerna
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
September 11 ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Veto Power ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Armed Attack ◽  
American States ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Un General Assembly ◽  
Article 5

On September 11, 2019, twelve states parties invoked the Inter-American Treaty on Reciprocal Assistance (TIAR), because they considered the crisis in Venezuela to have a destabilizing impact on the peace and security of the hemisphere. Venezuela was one of the twelve, voting in favor; this was because, on April 9, 2019, the Organization of American States (OAS) formally recognized Juan Guaido's representative, Gustavo Tarre, in lieu of Nicolas Maduro's Ambassador. At the OAS General Assembly in June, Tarre's appointment was approved in a much contested and heated session. The OAS has thirty-five member states and approximately one-third of its membership supported the invocation of the TIAR. The TIAR is the OAS's mutual defense pact; it was last invoked following the events of September 11, 2001. Article 5 of the NATO Charter, calling for collective action in the case of an armed attack on one member, is derived from Article 3 of the TIAR. Following invocation of the TIAR, the Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs (the OAS equivalent to the UN Security Council, but without veto power) held its 30th meeting in New York City during the UN General Assembly. The result of that meeting was the adoption of the Resolution under consideration here.

The U.N. and the (Economic) Education of Henry Kissinger

Worldview ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 19 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 7-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helena Stalson
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
International System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Education ◽  
Henry Kissinger ◽  
Poor Countries ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The World ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Rich Countries

Something remarkable and of historic importance took place in New York during the first two weeks of September, 1975. At a Special Session of the United Nations the poor countries of the world, who have 70 per cent of its people and 30 per cent of its income, demanded that the rich, countries make some major changes in the international system. And the rich countries, including the United States, responded in new ways. Most reporters failed to notice how remarkable the events were, but the evidence is there.

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