Social Cohesion Strengthens Social Ties among University Students in Malaysia

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (6) ◽  
pp. 14-25
Author(s):  
Khairol Anuar Kamri ◽  
Aizathul Hani Abd Hamid ◽  
Ummi Munirah Syuhada Mohamad Zan ◽  
Azlina Abdullah ◽  
Faridah Jalil ◽  
...  

The pattern of ethnic relations and religion among university students is always the focus of understanding Malaysian unity and ethnic relation. This study explores the study of unity by recalling the concept of solidarity put forward by Durkheim. Unity as the main concept needs to be reinterpreted by studying the social realities and social history in Malaysia. Unity happens in the long life of harmony since the 1969 ethnic riots until now, but Malaysia still faces social tensions and fights between ethnic and religious in society. Unity is still considered fragile and just a dream. The concept of social cohesion is expressed as a social phenomenon that needs to be studied as the atmosphere is harmonious but colored with social tension. The multi-culture of Malaysian come from its relationship with east civilization before pre-colonial and the British colonization. The differences between ethnicity and religion in social order cause tension and conflict among the groups. Yet development in the last four decades has changed the social landscape where multi-ethnic societies have turned into a socially diverse society. University students are targeted as respondents in understanding the concepts and patterns of social cohesion among them. Studies show that social cohesion among students is developed. The dimension and item analysis show that there are ethnic and religious differences, but the differences are relatively small. It is suggested that follow-up studies in identifying the form and understanding of the relationship of social cohesion on campus should be conducted through qualitative and ethnographic research design in obtaining data to strengthen ethnic relations in the university. Input from this follow-up study finding will strengthen social cohesion among students that can help governance and university development is well managed by identifying the social gap.

Author(s):  
Llewellyn Ellardus van Zyl

AbstractThe first intelligent COVID-19 lockdown resulted in radical changes within the tertiary educational system within the Netherlands. These changes posed new challenges for university students and many social welfare agencies have warned that it could have adverse effects on the social wellbeing (SWB) of university students. Students may lack the necessary social study-related resources (peer- and lecturer support) (SSR) necessary to aid them in coping with the new demands that the lockdown may bring. As such, the present study aimed to investigate the trajectory patterns, rate of change and longitudinal associations between SSR and SWB of 175 Dutch students before and during the COVID-19 lockdown. A piecewise latent growth modelling approach was employed to sample students’ experiences over three months. Participants to complete a battery of psychometric assessments for five weeks before the COVID-19 lockdown was implemented, followed by two directly after and a month follow-up. The results were paradoxical and contradicting to initial expectations. Where SSR showed a linear rate of decline before- and significant growth trajectory during the lockdown, SWB remained moderate and stable. Further, initial levels and growth trajectories between SSR and SWB were only associated before the lockdown.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 213-231
Author(s):  
Kiyoshi Murata ◽  
Yasunori Fukuta ◽  
Andrew A. Adams ◽  
Dang Ronghua

Purpose This study aims to investigate how Snowden’s revelations are viewed by young people in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Taiwan through questionnaire surveys of and follow-up interviews with university students in the two countries, taking into account the histories and current status of state surveillance in these countries and the current complicated and delicate cross-strait relationships. Design/methodology/approach Questionnaire surveys of 315 PRC and 111 Taiwanese university students (a majority studying in those places but a few studying abroad) and semi-structured follow-up interviews with 16 master’s course students from the PRC and one from Taiwan (all studying at Meiji University in Japan) were conducted, in addition to reviews of the literature on privacy and state surveillance in the PRC and Taiwan. The outcomes of the survey were statistically analysed and qualitative analyses of the interview results were also performed. Findings Youngsters living in the PRC had greater interest in and more knowledge about Snowden’s revelations than those living in Taiwan, and the revelations were positively evaluated in both countries as serving public interest. However, PRC students indicated they were less likely to emulate Snowden than those from Taiwan did. Originality/value This study is the first attempt to investigate the social impact of Snowden’s revelations on PRC and Taiwanese youngsters’ attitudes towards privacy and state surveillance as part of cross-cultural analyses between eight countries.


1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mattison Mines

One of the unresolved issues of Indian anthorpology is how to characterize and weigh the social importance of individuality and achievement in Indian social history. Of course, the individual as ‘empirical agent’ exists in India as everywhere (Dumont 1970a:9), yet because Hindu culture stresses collective identities over those of the individual, individual achievement, which is a measure of individuality, has been overlooked and sometimes outrightly rejected as a cause of history and social order (Dumont 1970a:107; 1970b; cf. Silverberg 1968). In consequence, the motivations underlying achievement that might explain historic action have also been ignored. This undervaluing of individuality and achievement has given rise to a long debate among South Asianists about the role of the individual in Indian society (e.g., Marriott 1968, 1969; Tambiah 1972:835; Beteille 1986, 1987), a debate that raises questions in wider arenas about the nature of society and culture in relation to individuals (e.g. Brown 1988; Mines 1988).


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 103-116

Timothy Morton’s dark ecology is positioned as an aesthetic and ethical study which is far removed from political theory. Although Morton touches upon actual political crises connected with global warming and on climate change skepticism and also deploys such fundamental concepts of political philosophy as territory, space, action and solidarity, he describes his approach as ontological rather than political. The author finds that dark ecology’s own foundations have been inherited from political theory. However, that does not make it inconsistent; on the contrary, under the right conditions it enables a different apprehension of both ecology and political philosophy. The author asks how politics would proceed in a world of uncertainty and proposes viewing Morton’s theory as a treatise on a political theory that addresses the problem of collective action. This is the main concept of any political philosophy out of which its description of the social order is constructed. Dark ecology denies any possibility of action by emphasizing uncertainty and the impossibility of predicting an action’s consequences, and this opens up new possibilities for conceptualizing action. It is precisely uncertainty that permits segregating action from the guilt that motivated Morton to divorce dark ecology from political philosophy. This is a narrative about the transformation of Morton the emancipator into a law-giver, about how political theory has evolved in parallel with the onset of the Anthropocene, about what will happen to the Leviathan in the age of global warming, and how to change the perception of the political from ontological categories to ethical ones.


1985 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 177-179
Author(s):  
N. Jayaram ◽  
Surendra K. Gupta ◽  
A.P. Barnabas ◽  
Sachchidananda ◽  
P.S. Pachauri ◽  
...  

1977 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Don H. Doyle

Recent research in American urban history has given us a polarized view of the social order of nineteenth-century cities. At one extreme the studies of urban spatial and social mobility have revealed a restless shifting population of individuals moving through the city attached by little more than a brief term of employment. “American society…,” concluded one such mobility study, “was more like a procession than a stable social order. How did this social order cohere at all?” To a large extent the answer to this question has come from another body of studies which have reexamined a variety of institutions from police to public schools and found them to be part of a broad effort among Protestant middle-class leaders to bring control and order to this strange new urban world. The new research on mobility and social control has enlarged our understanding of American social history in many important ways, however, our emphasis on mobility and the mechanisms of coercive social control may obscure the social order that citizens of nineteenth-century communities defined for themselves.


Author(s):  
May Abdullah Al-amer, Fawziah Bakr Al-bakr

    The aim of the study was to identify the reasons for using Whatsapp and Snapchat as recognizedby female students and to identify the cultural consequencesof the use of Whatsapp on the behavior of the university students in respect to social and knowledge field, and to identify the cultural consequencesof the use of Snapchat in respect to cultural and educational field and identify the statistically significance differences of the views among the female university students, which are related to the variables of the study: the stage of study and the number of hours of use. the researcher used the descriptive survey approach rely on a questionnaire that consisted of (58) sentences distributed according to the fields of the study, it was applied to a sample of (503) female students of College of Education at King Saud University. Preliminary data of the study showed that 33.2% of the sample used social media daily for more than 6 hours. The study found that the most important reasons for using Whatsapp is to communicate with family, friends and entertainment. They use Snapchat for entertainment, to learn about the cultures of other peoples and to follow up the influential people with experience, and of the cultural consequencesof using Whatsapp on the behavior of the female students in the social field are spreading rumors and mislead others through unreliable advertisements, and in the field of knowledge that Being preoccupied with Whatsapp messages reduces focus on task performance and facilitates the dissemination of ideas easily, and from the cultural consequencesof using Snapchat on the behavior of the female students in the cultural field, the predominance of entertainment and formal interests among female students and its role in dissemination of values contrary to our Islamic values and customs and in the field of education Students are seeing Snapchat as a tool to gain fame and show off and brag about. Given the importance of the role played by the social media in developing the social and intellectual mobility among the female university students, the researcher recommends to pay particular attention to this age group for their keen interest in knowledge to enable them to improve their skills according to their aspirations, thus contributing to the development of their society.   ، ، ، ، 


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dagmar Ellerbrock ◽  
Lars Koch ◽  
Sabine Müller-Mall ◽  
Marina Münkler ◽  
Joachim Scharloth ◽  
...  

Abstract This article aims to introduce the concept of „Invecticity“ as a new perspective for social and cultural studies. It understands phenomena of insult and debasement, of humiliation and exposure as - cross-cultural and epoch-spanning - basic operations of societal communication. Due to their disruptive, stabilising or dynamising effects on social order, invective communication have the potential to unite and shape societies. This article subsumes such phenomena under the term Invectivity. The term includes all aspects of communication (either verbal or non-verbal, oral or written, gestural or graphic) that are used to degrade, to hurt or to marginalize others. Manifestations and functions of the Invective are not systemised under strict patterns but medially, politically, socially and aesthetically contextualized depending on the diverse historical contexts and complex constellations they occur in. Thus, they can only be properly understood as performative events which develop through the interaction of ascription, response and follow-up communication as well as by means of the social, discursive and media conditions in which they arise.


1979 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-106
Author(s):  
Stephen L. Pastner

Owen Lattimore, the premier chronicler of China's inner-Asian frontier, designated by the term ‘frontier feudalism’ a particularly significant and recurrent process in the social history of that area. By it he meant the pattern in which nomadic Turko-Mongol chiefs either sold their allegiance as ‘wardens of the march’ and border guardians to Chinese emperors in return for titles and land investitures, or else conquered territory along imperial frontiers in their own names. Ineither case, the chiefs' authority over his followers then changed from a kin-oriented tribal base to a patron–client-oriented feudal base, as his followers became peasantized and lost their ability to move away from the chief – anability that underlay what Lattimore viewed as the much more fluid tribal–nomadic social order and polity. To Lattimore frontier feudalism was an important vehicle in the establishment of social and political stratification along ethnically differentiated lines (as tribesmen settled down as rulers of a subordinate peasantry).It also created articulation between state and tribal polities and served as a major factor in the sedentarization of nomads (Lattimore 1962a, b). In this connection one recalls the proverb recited to Genghis Khan's son and successor, Ogotai, by an adviser: ‘The empire was created on horseback, but it cannot be governed on horseback’ (Grousset 1970: 257).


1981 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Pushkin

The change in the social background of university students in nineteenth-century Russia, and in particular the “arrival of the raznochinets”, to use Mikhailovskii's celebrated term, have long been considered a major turning-point in Russian social history and a watershed in the development of the revolutionary movement. Historians have often attributed to it the chief role in producing the evolution of ideological attitudes between the “Fathers” of the 1840's and the “Sons” of the 1860's and the upsurge in radical agitation in the universities on the eve of the Emancipation of the Serfs.


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