The Implementation of Neutrality

2019 ◽  
pp. 13-27
Author(s):  
Stève Sainlaude
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Central Problem ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Maritime Law ◽  
Equal Distance ◽  
The One ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Strict Reading

On May 13, 1861, the British cabinet published a proclamation of neutrality accompanied by recognition of Southern belligerency. The French followed suit on June 10, 1861 with a proclamation of neutrality that employed the same cautious language to describe the Southern authority. Instead of taking a stance on the central problem, French Foreign Minister Edouard Thouvenel sought to anticipate the conflict’s damage to French interests in the U.S. However, by keeping an equal distance from both belligerents, France displeased the Lincoln administration, which denied that its enemy had any legitimacy to fight. The legal government remained the one in Washington because the French did not recognize the Confederacy as a state. France therefore maintained diplomatic relations with the Lincoln administration, while French relations with the authorities in Richmond remained unofficial. The Declaration of Paris of April 16, 1856 introduced changes to maritime law. It prohibited privateering, exempted nonbelligerent vessels carrying enemy goods from confiscation, and declared that blockades had to be physically effective in order to be legally binding. Thouvenel found it easier to depart from a strict reading of the Declaration of Paris because the text did not clearly specify any practical arrangements for certifying a blockade’s effectiveness.

The Normalization of Sino-French Diplomatic Relations in 1964 and the Formation of the “One-China” Principle: Negotiations over Breaking French Diplomatic Relations with the Republic of China Government and the Recognition of the People’s Republic of China as the Sole Legitimate Government

2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 252-271
Author(s):  
Madoka Fukuda
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

AbstractThis article examines the substance and modification of the “One-China” principle, which the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) pursued in the mid 1960s. Under this principle, a country wishing to establish diplomatic relations with the PRC was required first to break off such relations with the Republic of China (ROC). In 1964 the PRC established diplomatic relations with France. This was its first ambassadorial exchange with a Western government. The PRC, in the negotiations over the establishment of diplomatic relations, attempted to achieve some consensus with France on the matter of “One-China”. The PRC, nevertheless, had to abandon these attempts, even though it demanded fewer conditions of France than of the United States (USA), Japan and other Western countries in the 1970s. The PRC had demanded adherence to the “One-China” principle since 1949. France, however, refused to accept this condition. Nevertheless, the PRC established diplomatic relations with France before the latter broke off relations with the ROC. Subsequently, the PRC abandoned the same condition in negotiations with the African governments of the Republic of Congo, Central Africa, Dahomey and Mauritania. After the negotiations with France, the PRC began to insist that the joint communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations should clearly state that “the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government of China”. However, France refused to insert these words into the communiqué. Afterwards, the PRC nevertheless insisted on putting such a statement into the joint communiqués or exchanges of notes on the establishment of diplomatic relations with the African countries mentioned above. This was done in order to set precedents for making countries accede to the “One-China” principle. The “One-China” principle was, thus, gradually formed in the process of the negotiation and bargaining between the PRC and other governments.

Biracial American Colorism: Passing for White

2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (14) ◽  
pp. 2072-2086 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keshia L. Harris
Keyword(s):  
Native Americans ◽  
Family Income ◽  
Racial Groups ◽  
Science Literature ◽  
Racial Identification ◽  
Social Science Literature ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The One ◽  
Identification Processes ◽  
The U.S

Biracial Americans constitute a larger portion of the U.S. population than is often acknowledged. According to the U.S. Census, 8.4 million people or 2.6% of the population identified with two or more racial origins in 2016. Arguably, these numbers are misleading considering extensive occurrences of interracial pairings between Whites and minority racial groups throughout U.S. history. Many theorists posit that the hypodescent principle of colorism, colloquially known as “the one drop rule,” has influenced American racial socialization in such a way that numerous individuals primarily identify with one racial group despite having parents from two different racial backgrounds. While much of social science literature examines the racial identification processes of biracial Americans who identify with their minority heritage, this article focuses on contextual factors such as family income, neighborhood, religion, and gender that influence the decision for otherwise African/Asian/Latino/Native Americans to identify as White.

Resolution 530 (1983

1984 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 838-840
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Central America ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Northern Border ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The One

The Security Council,Having heard the statement of the Foreign Minister of the Republic of Nicaragua,Having also heard the statements of various States Members of the United Nations in the course of the debate,Deeply concerned, on the one hand, at the situation prevailing on and insid the northern border of Nicaragua and, on the other hand, at the consequent dange of a military confrontation between Honduras and Nicaragua, which could further aggravate the existing crisis.situation in Central America,Recalling all the relevant principles of the Charter of the United Nations,, particularly the obligation of States to settle their disputes exclusively by peaceful means, not to resort to the threat or use of force and to respect the self-determination of peoples and the sovereign independence of all States,Noting the widespread desire expressed by the States concerned to achieve solutions to the differences between them,

scholarly journals RECENT DIPLOMACY AND THE MAIN DIRECTIONS OF SCIENTIFIC DIPLOMACY AS COMPONENTS OF KAZAKHSTAN’S FOREIGN POLICY

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Kokenov ◽  
◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
International Organizations ◽  
Modern World ◽  
High Tech ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Scientific Cooperation ◽  
New Developments ◽  
Joint Solution ◽  
Distribution Of Resources ◽  
Scientific Diplomacy ◽  
The One

Due to the fact that the modern world is in the context of globalization, the development of the countries of the world is accompanied by a qualitative increase in technology in the field of science and technology, in connection with which, there is an internationalization of scientific developments, high-tech production, as well as competition between countries over the distribution of resources is intensifying, in terms of new developments and development in general. Cooperation in itself bears the potential of mutual assistance, joint solution of a set of international, scientific problems by the participating countries. For this reason, modern scientific cooperation is a consequence of well-built scientific diplomacy. Scientific diplomacy is called upon to promote the development of scientific cooperation; it is aimed at maintaining partner diplomatic relations, which, on the one hand, can use science to bring together interstate priorities, and, on the other hand, contribute to the development of science itself. The latest diplomacy has adopted scientific approaches and is actively solving modern challenges facing governments and countries. The article discusses the work of international organizations in the designated area of research, provides Kazakhstani experience in resolving the issue

scholarly journals Opportunities for the application of linear program­ming in forest management planning

2013 ◽  
pp. 175-191
Author(s):  
Damjan Pantic ◽  
Bojan Tubic ◽  
Marko Marinkovic ◽  
Dragan Borota ◽  
Snezana Obradovic
Keyword(s):  
Linear Programming ◽  
Maximum Yield ◽  
Half Period ◽  
Management Planning ◽  
Forest Management Planning ◽  
Conflicting Interests ◽  
Poplar Plantations ◽  
The One ◽  
Forest Practice ◽  
The U.S

In situations where it is necessary to consider a variety of options when making decisions in forestry (and in general), with the choice influenced by hardly comparable criteria and a number of conflicting interests, a possible solution is to use multiple criteria methods. One of these methods, which can be applied in forestry, is mathematical programming (in particular, linear programming). Linear programming has a long tradition of being used in the U.S. and European forestry, whereas in the forestry of Serbia it still represents a theoretically and practically unknown tool. Therefore, in this paper we analyze the possibility of applying the methods of linear programming in developing a plan of regeneration cutting in the poplar plantations of FMU "Topolik" managed by PE "Vojvodinasume." Using the aimed function (linear programming) and the corresponding software package the maximum yield that can be achieved by cutting the plantation was obtained. The planned management period was from 2012 to 2021 and its volume was 155 852 m3. The preset condition that the yield in half-periods remains equal was fulfilled (half-period I 77,925 m3, half-period II 77,927 m3). The maximum yield obtained with this methodology was by 4,040 m3 lower than the theoretically possible yield that would be obtained if all stands were cut down at the end of the second half-period, i.e. higher by 8,430 m3 than the yield that would be obtained if cutting of the stands were performed at the start of the management period. The results obtained and foreign experience in this area clearly indicate that linear programming can successfully be used to solve this problem and even more complex problems (than the one presented in this paper) in our local forest practice (multidimensional planning with a series of constraints).

scholarly journals Epistemic Disobedience and Decolonial Healing in Norma Elía Cantú’s Canícula

2015 ◽  
Vol 50 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 63-80
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Poks
Keyword(s):  
Social Space ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Other ◽  
Border Crossings ◽  
Growing Up ◽  
Border Community ◽  
Line Splitting ◽  
Southern Side ◽  
The One ◽  
The U.S

Abstract Using the U.S.-Mexican border as the place of enunciation, Cantú’s autoethnobiographical novel insists on the materiality of the border, especially for those living on its southern side, while simultaneously deconstructing it as artificial - a line splitting families and assigning nationalities on an arbitrary basis. Being a collage of photographs from the time the writer was growing up in southern Texas and the cuentos inspired by these visuals, Cantú’s Canícula documents how border crossings and re-crossings become symptomatic of living in a liminal space and how they destabilize the concept of nationality as bi-national families must learn to live with ambiguity. On the one hand, there is the undeniable materiality of the border, with its pain, fear, deportations, and other discriminatory practices; on the other, there is a growing border community of resistance cultivating the memory that they are not immigrants, that they lived in Texas before the Guadalupe-Hidalgo treaty. The paper examines the community’s strategies of survival in the contested cultural and social space and advances the thesis that, giving her community an awareness of its homogeneity and reclaiming its place within the larger socio-political context, Cantú becomes an agent of empowerment and change. She helps decolonize knowledge and being.

Is There a LatAm-US-China Economic Triangle?

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Osvaldo Rosales
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Bilateral Approach ◽  
Growth Prospects ◽  
Economic Relationship ◽  
Near Term ◽  
The One ◽  
Investment In China ◽  
The U.S

Latin America experienced economic ups and downs in the past decade, and faces a gloomy outlook for 2015–2020. This chapter first delineates the near-term growth prospects for the region, examining the subregional patterns closely with three national cases—Argentina, Brazil, and Venezuela—and analyzing the external constraints for the region’s economic growth. It then examines the major challenges ahead for the region with analysis of Latin America’s economic relationship with the United States and China, respectively. On the one hand, while the U.S.’s current bilateral approach leaves the economic relationship with the region fragmented, the economic and trade cooperation between the U.S. and Latin America can be strengthened through fostering productive integration and the development of regional value chains oriented toward the U.S. market. On the other hand, China’s growing presence in the region poses challenges to Latin America countries, namely achieving export diversification, diversification of Chinese investments in the region, and Latin investment in China and Asia-Pacific.

Faculty and Directors’ Views of Outreach

1980 ◽  
Vol 10 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 45-48
Author(s):  
F. A. Leary
Keyword(s):  
Outreach Program ◽  
Area Studies ◽  
Title Vi ◽  
Soft Money ◽  
The One ◽  
The U.S

Outreach. The term was first made known to many Africanists by the U.S. Office of Education (USOE) as a mandated responsibility of Title VI Language and Area Studies Centers and seemed to represent something Africanists at many institutions had probably been doing all along anyway without any specific person or any additional funds. Outreach in the mid-1970s seemed so appealing and harmless enough to the directors who submitted applications for their programs to be named Title VI centers that they deemed to insert the required 15 percent minimum budget for outreach activities and usually a request for the hiring of an outreach coordinator as a line item supported through soft money. By 1979 outreach had become so integral a part of center activities and outreach coordinators that the one African program not re-funded as a center was nevertheless able to continue its outreach program through university funds. By late 1979, however, some center directors were also expressing the view that outreach risked becoming the tail that wagged the dog, while others were beginning to realize that they might have lost control of these coordinators who were calling themselves directors! By late 1979, too, both the personae in USOE committed to outreach and the evaluation review sheets used by the expert panels for center and fellowship funding had been dramatically reduced, indicating a decline in O.E. emphasis on outreach but, in the African field, probably also an implicit recognition of the substantial commitment and achievements of the Africanist group.

Soviet-Brazilian Relations and the Cuban Missile Crisis

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-209
Author(s):  
James G. Hershberg
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Research Note ◽  
Cuban Missile Crisis ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Fidel Castro ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Foreign Ministry ◽  
New Evidence ◽  
The U.S

Using materials from the Russian Foreign Ministry archive in Moscow (combined with previously obtained Brazilian and U.S. sources), this research note presents fresh evidence about Soviet-Brazilian relations and the October 1962 Cuban missile crisis, supplementing a detailed, two-part article published in the Journal of Cold War Studies in 2004 exploring Brazil's secret mediation between John F. Kennedy and Fidel Castro at the height of the crisis. The new evidence illuminates a previously hidden “double game” that Brazil's president, João Goulart, played during the crisis as he alternated between meetings with the U.S. ambassador and Nikita Khrushchev's recently arrived envoy (Brazil and the Soviet Union had just restored diplomatic relations after a fifteen-year break). The new evidence from Moscow suggests that Goulart, who vowed solidarity with Washington and even toasted Kennedy's “victory” when talking to the U.S. ambassador, took a completely different approach when speaking to Soviet officials, expressing strong sympathy and even support for Khrushchev.

The “Hollow Prospect” of Integration

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward G. Goetz
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Community Development ◽  
Black Power ◽  
The Other ◽  
African American Community ◽  
Fair Housing ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The One ◽  
The U.S

This chapter describes the tension between integration and community development from the 1940s through the end of the 1960s. It describes the conflict within the African-American community between efforts to achieve integration on the one hand and building power and capacity within the community on the other. It describes the emergence and evolution of the fair housing movement in the U.S. Finally, the ways in which this conflict played out during the civil rights and Black Power eras is highlighted.

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