A Devotion Almost Idolatry

2020 ◽  
pp. 46-68
Author(s):  
Zachery A. Fry
Keyword(s):  
Negative Reaction ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Emancipation Proclamation ◽  
Political Office ◽  
Army Of The Potomac ◽  
Voting Laws

This chapter details the aftermath of the 1862 Maryland Campaign and the spirited debate within the Army of the Potomac over the preliminary emancipation proclamation. These opinions carried weight in the 1862 midterm congressional and state elections. Some army figures ran for political office, including General James S. Wadsworth. However, voting laws pushed by Democrats generally prohibited soldier absentee ballots, a fact that offended many in the ranks. The chapter then discusses the overwhelmingly negative reaction of officers and men to McClellan's removal from command, which prompted them to spurn the political class even further.

Julius Nyerere: Tanzanian President, Statesman, and Intellectual

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leander Schneider
Keyword(s):  
Rural Areas ◽  
The Political ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
East African ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Late 20Th Century ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
Political Office ◽  
African Socialism ◽  
Just Society

Julius Kambarage Nyerere (1922–1999) was the East African nation of Tanganyika’s (from 1964: Tanzania) central political figure from the struggle against colonialism in the 1950s, through the attainment of political independence in 1961, and into the late 20th century. After briefly serving as Tanganyika’s first prime minister, he was the country’s first president from 1962 until 1985. From these positions and his thirty-five years as the chairman of the ruling party, Nyerere profoundly shaped Tanzania’s political and societal trajectory. Under the guiding ideology of ujamaa (“familyhood”) African socialism, he set out a vision of society built on egalitarian principles and the mutual obligation of its members toward one another. His commitment to this vision saw Nyerere fight for equal rights under inclusive citizenship irrespective of race, ethnicity, and religion in Tanzania and liberation from colonialism and racist rule in Southern Africa. In 1967, the famous Arusha Declaration reinforced the socialist aspects of ujamaa and resulted in nationalizations, the dramatic curbing of the ability of elites to accumulate wealth, and the reshaping of Tanzania’s rural areas in a massive resettlement campaign—notionally a first step in the building of socialist villages. Nyerere was able to override resistance to these policies through a combination of his personal authority with the public and the political class, the ruling party’s institutional monopoly he instituted in the political arena, and resort to usually mild forms of coercion. Thus imposing his vision of a just society over challenges and against resistance that he perceived as illegitimate or misguided, Nyerere practiced a politics that was often in tension with his professed democratic ideals. Although Nyerere was an authoritarian ruler, his voluntary retirement from political office and his support for the 1992 reintroduction of multi-party politics are indications that personal and institutional power had not become an end unto itself for him and that he was willing to relinquish both when holding on to them no longer seemed imperative or, indeed, effective in securing the larger political purposes he pursued.

scholarly journals Party Cross-carpeting in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic: Cases and Causes

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Olu Awofeso ◽  
Paul A. Irabor
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Party Discipline ◽  
Fourth Republic ◽  
Democratic Engagement ◽  
Political Office ◽  
Major Factors ◽  
Selfish Interest

The study examines party cross-carpeting in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. These were with the view to investigating the effects of cross-carpeting on the country’s democratic engagement. From historical antecedence standpoint, the study reveals that cross-carpeting was patterned towards ethnic/religion inclination, intra-party feud and selfish interest of the political class. Coupled with these anti-democratic tendencies, the study also found that indiscipline in political parties and lack of ideology were the major factors that determined cross-carpeting in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. Finally, the study affirms that party discipline and ideology must be strictly adhered to by political parties to check the menace of incessant cross-carpeting among political office holders.

Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew
Keyword(s):  
Transition Program ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Soccer Match ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Military

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

Board-level employee representation in the Visegrád countries

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrzej Zybała
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
National Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Employee Representation ◽  
Policy Paradigm ◽  
Labour Participation ◽  
Board Level ◽  
Practical Agenda ◽  
Visegrád Countries

This article addresses the complexity of trade-union approaches to board-level employee representation in the Visegrád countries, and the barriers it faces in particular national settings. Trade unionists in these countries accept the relevance of such employee representation in theory, but their practical agenda covers other issues which they perceive as more important as they struggle to survive at many levels of activity, and face growing existential uncertainty and risk. Unions also lack capacity to overcome obstacles such as reluctance on the part of the political class and managerial hostility to board-level representation; they cannot exert influence on major policy decisions at national level. They are operating in a more and more difficult environment, reflecting not merely a declining membership base, but also the recent economic crisis that failed to change the economic policy paradigm in the Visegrád countries: policies there still rely on a neoliberal approach and hence are not conducive to labour participation. What can still be seen as the predominant model is the traditional one of the market economy in which rights of ownership reign supreme.

Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew
Keyword(s):  
Transition Program ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Stakes ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Soccer Match ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Military

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

The Political Culture of Emancipation: Morality, Politics, and the State in Garrisonian Abolitionism, 1854–1863

1995 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-184
Author(s):  
Mark Voss-Hubbard
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
National Government ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Moral Purpose ◽  
Individual Liberty ◽  
Federal Authority ◽  
Emancipation Proclamation

Historians have long recognized the unprecedented expansion of federal power during the Civil War. Moreover most scholars agree that the expansion of federal power manifested itself most immediately and profoundly in the abolition of slavery. In a sense, through the Emancipation Proclamation, the Republican administration injected the national government into the domain of civil rights, and by doing so imbued federal power with a distinct moral purpose. The passage of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments codified this expression of federal authority, rejecting the bedrock tenet in American republican thought that centralized power constituted the primary threat to individual liberty.

scholarly journals HORAS “IN ITINERE” E A HIPOSSUFICIÊNCIA DO TRABALHADOR RURAL NA REFORMA TRABALHISTA

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (Especial 2) ◽  
pp. 852-857
Author(s):  
Clarissa Manzano Dos Santos Falconi
Keyword(s):  
Human Dignity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Labor Reform ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Guiding Principle ◽  
Rural Worker ◽  
Deductive Method ◽  
The Hours

The present study deals with the impacts of the Labor Reform in the hours "in itinere" for the rural worker, with the objective of demonstrating the lack of representativeness of these workers in the legislative process and their hypersufficiency before employers and State, resulting in the analysis of the profiles of the congressmen of the ruralist groups and their party interests and the rural worker, using as an inductive and hypothetical-deductive method and concluding by the discrepancy between the interests of the workers and the political class, making at least a representation that seeks the protection of human dignity and the guiding principle in the design of projects for the category.

scholarly journals Writing the Irish past: An investigation into post-primary Irish history textbook emphases and historiography, 1921–69

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Colm Mac Gearailt
Keyword(s):  
Primary Schools ◽  
Religious Orientation ◽  
History Textbooks ◽  
Primary Students ◽  
Free State ◽  
The Political ◽  
History Textbook ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Primary Level ◽  
Irish History

This paper maintains a focus on textbooks published and used at post-primary level in the Irish Free State/Republic of Ireland between the 1920s and late 1960s, in the initial decades of the nascent Free State. Viewed by many as the closest way, after direct fieldwork, of finding out the content of teaching, textbooks have also been seen to act as condensed versions of the society that produced them. The textbooks used rarely changed during this period, for a number of reasons, both practical and ideological. Consequently, it can be accepted that a reasonably similar account of the Irish past was transmitted in print to post-primary students across the period. The article offers an investigation into Irish history textbook historiography, and highlights select examples of how this affected the version of the Irish past being transmitted in print in Irish post-primary schools. It provides the first quantitative analysis and comparison of the central Irish history textbooks in operation during this period. By establishing what textbooks were in use, discussing who they were written by, and then by analysing, cross-comparing and examining their respective emphases, this paper offers an understanding of the general narrative of Irish history as portrayed in secondary schools, from this textual perspective. It focuses predominantly on content inclusion and scope, as opposed to how this content was engaged with. Ultimately, this paper argues that a general narrative of Irish history was maintained across each of the textbooks, which tended to focus on a traditional 'great man' approach to history, with a strong emphasis on high politics. That said, this was not oppressive or rigid, as there was no single consensus view as to what aspects of Irish history were most important within this tradition, with different emphases being placed on various events and figures in Irish history. These differences varied according to the political, class and religious orientation of the author.

scholarly journals The Pragmatics of Political Claims and Social Responses amidst Covid-19 and EndSARS Saga in Nigeria

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 102-118
Author(s):  
Chioma Onwubiko
Keyword(s):  
Social Issues ◽  
The Political ◽  
Theoretic Approach ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Undue Influence ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Social Responses ◽  
Online Newspapers ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government

There have been few stand-alone linguistic studies on the Covid-19 virus and the 2020 EndSARS protests in Nigeria. The present study intersects these two critical events with particular focus on the political claims made by the ruling class and the corresponding social responses in line with the contextual affordances shared by the participants. Searle’s speech act theoretic approach is adopted to analyse the pragmatic intentions of the illocutionary acts which political claims perform while Juvenalian satire is used to discuss the satirical elements embedded in the social responses in a bid to ridicule leadership follies and abuses. Three popular Nigerian online Newspapers and few comments from Facebook are selected for this study. Their selection is based on their coverage of these events, coverage of these political claims and popular readership evidenced in the social responses. In all, a total of 6 political claims and 25 social responses relevant to this study are analysed. The study revealed that the pragmatic relevance of these claims is embedded in its political functions of wielding undue influence over the populace, making promises driven by rhetoric and short of initiative and calculated reticence in response to social issues. Consequently, the social responses highlight and criticise leadership vices and the weak efforts of the government in dispensing its leadership interventions. It also fulfils communicative purposes of the contextual space, promote solidarity among the people while prompting change in the political class and the society at large.

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