scholarly journals Use of the Term "Citizen" In Online Media Reports On Mostar's Local Elections

Author(s):  
Mirza Mehmedović

The specific regulatory framework under which the local elections in Mostar in 2020 were held, and especially the fact that the elections in this city were held after 12 years, puts in the focus of communication research the media treatment of the relationship between citizens and political parties in local communities organized under a mortgage of war ethnic and territorial divisions. Having in mind the influence of online media, both independent and relying on traditional media productions, this paper primarily deals with reporting on the results of local elections in Mostar, questioning the focus of reports in the context of relations between citizens, as a universal political category, and political candidates competing for the management of public affairs at the local level. Also, in additional elements of the research, the paper deals with the analysis of identification of participants in political processes, on the one hand, a citizen, who in the public discourse of Bosnia and Herzegovina is often treated as a member of an ethnic group, and a political party on the other, usually treated in media reports as a representative of national categories, and not as a performer of public affairs concerning the achieved election results.

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-94
Author(s):  
Jan Pollex ◽  
Sebastian Block ◽  
Martin Gross ◽  
Dominic Nyhuis ◽  
Jan A. Velimsky

Despite their crucial role for democratic decision-making, local elections receive little atten­tion from political science research . To overcome this shortcoming, the article analyses the Bavarian local elections of 2020 . Although the CSU remains the strongest party in the Free State, the Green Party was able to make considerable gains, especially in larger cities . How­ever, the Greens could not gain any grounds in mayoral elections, whereas CSU and SPD competed for the win . In most of the cases, the Social Democrats won the posts in city halls . In addition to detailing election results, this article addresses the ballot lists, the com­position of local councils, and coalition building at the local level . Overall, this contribu­tion provides a comprehensive account of the elections, which are characterized by their unique ballot system and, thus, have a special role in the political system of Germany .


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raivo Palmaru

Abstract Although numerous studies over the past 20 years have revealed a clear connection between content analysis statistics and the results of public opinion surveys, the media’s “minimal effects” hypothesis still remains the overwhelmingly prevailing view. Among other things, it is not clear which of the two influences the other: Do people’s political preferences influence the media or do the media influence people’s preferences? In order to test this, the results of the 1999 and 2003 general elections and the 2002 local elections in Estonia, as well as the results of current public opinion surveys, were compared to the coverage given to the campaigning parties in the largest Estonian newspapers. The analysis showed that the coverage of political parties in the print media, as determined by the frequency of valuative notations, described the election results to a great extent. It is noteworthy that a change in media content was followed by a change in public opinion. At the same time, an accumulation effect became obvious: The voters’ preferences for political parties accumulated diachronically during the course of several weeks based on the information that was available to them.


2020 ◽  
pp. 002076402097579
Author(s):  
Sonika Raj ◽  
Abhishek Ghosh ◽  
Babita Sharma ◽  
Sonu Goel

Background: The content and nature of media reports could influence suicide prevention measures. Aim: To evaluate contemporary online media reports’ compliance with guidelines for responsible reporting of suicidal acts from Indian resources. Methods: We included English and Hindi articles for reports concerning suicide, published by local and national media sources for 30 consecutive days from the day of death of a celebrity by alleged suicide. The search was performed in Google News with predefined search queries and selection criteria. Two independent investigators did data extraction. Subsequently, each news report was assessed against guidelines for the responsible reporting of suicide by the WHO and the Press Council of India. Results: We identified 295 articles (Hindi n =  172, English n =  123). Results showed more than 80% of the media reports deviated from at least one criterion of the recommendations. A maximum breach was seen in the news article’s headlines, sensational reportage and detailed suicide methods description. Significant differences were seen in the quality of English and Hindi reporting and reporting celebrity and noncelebrity suicide. Additional items revealed were reporting suicide pacts, linking multiple suicides in a single news report, allowing user-generated threads and linking Religion and suicide. Conclusion: Measures are required to implement reporting recommendations in the framework of a national suicide prevention strategy.


Author(s):  
Richard T. Craig

Who filters through information and determines what information is shared with media audiences? Who filters through information and determines what information will not be shared with media audiences? Ultimately, who controls the flow of information in the media? At times commentary pertaining to media content references media as an omnipotent individual entity selecting the content transmitted to the public, reminiscent of a Wizard of Oz manner of the all-powerful being behind the curtain. Overlooked in this perception is the reality that in mass media, there are various individuals in positions of power making decisions about the information accessed by audiences of various forms of media. These individuals are considered gatekeepers: wherein the media functions as a gate permitting some matters to be publicized and included into the public discourse while restricting other matters from making it to the public conscience. Media gatekeepers (i.e., journalists, editors) possess the power to control the gate by determining the content delivered to audiences, opening and closing the gate of information. Gatekeepers wield power over those on the other side of the gate, those seeking to be informed (audiences), as well as those seeking to inform (politics, activists, academics, etc.). The earliest intellectual explanation of gatekeeping is traced to Kurt Lewin, describing gatekeeping as a means to analyze real-world problems and observing the effects of cultural values and subjective attitudes on those problems like the distribution of food in Lewins’s seminal study, and later modified by David Manning White to examine the dissemination of information via media. In an ideal situation, the gatekeepers would be taking on the challenge of weighing the evidence of importance in social problems when selecting among the options of content and information to exhibit. Yet, decisions concerning content selection are not void of subjective viewpoints and encompass values, beliefs, and ideals of gatekeepers. The subjective attitudes of gatekeepers influence their perspective of what qualifies as newsworthy information. Hence, those in the position to determine the content transmitted through media exercise the power to shape social reality for media audiences. In the evolution of media gatekeeping theory three models have resulted from the scholarship: (1) examination of the one-way flow of information passing through a series of gates before reaching audiences, (2) the process of newsroom personnel interacting with people outside of the newsroom, and (3) the direct communication of private citizens and public officials. In traditional media and newer forms of social media, gatekeeping examination revolves around analysis of these media organizations’ news routines and narratives. Gatekeeping analysis observes human behavior and motives in order to make conceptualizations about the social world.


2008 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 738-756 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Konitzer

This study examines the factors that contributed to the success of the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) during Serbia's September 2004 local elections. Understanding the factors behind the SRS's success is important, both for the future of local government in an increasingly decentralized Serbia, and for electoral politics at the national level. Through quantitative analyses of election results across 160 localities and drawing from evidence gathered from interviews, media reports, and various analytical sources, the study demonstrates that a combination of new electoral laws, turnout levels, proportions of refugees and minorities, economic factors, and divisions amongst democratic bloc parties all contributed to variation in SRS success across Serbia's localities.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 460-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olaniyi O. Olayinka ◽  
Tesfaye M. Bayleyegn ◽  
Rebecca S. Noe ◽  
Lauren S. Lewis ◽  
Vincent Arrisi ◽  
...  

AbstractObjectiveWe evaluated the usefulness and accuracy of media-reported data for active disaster-related mortality surveillance.MethodsFrom October 29 through November 5, 2012, epidemiologists from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) tracked online media reports for Hurricane Sandy–related deaths by use of a keyword search. To evaluate the media-reported data, vital statistics records of Sandy-related deaths were compared to corresponding media-reported deaths and assessed for percentage match. Sensitivity, positive predictive value (PPV), and timeliness of the media reports for detecting Sandy-related deaths were calculated.ResultsNinety-nine media-reported deaths were identified and compared with the 90 vital statistics death records sent to the CDC by New York City (NYC) and the 5 states that agreed to participate in this study. Seventy-five (76%) of the media reports matched with vital statistics records. Only NYC was able to actively track Sandy-related deaths during the event. Moderate sensitivity (83%) and PPV (83%) were calculated for the matching media-reported deaths for NYC.ConclusionsDuring Hurricane Sandy, the media-reported information was moderately sensitive, and percentage match with vital statistics records was also moderate. The results indicate that online media-reported deaths can be useful as a supplemental source of information for situational awareness and immediate public health decision-making during the initial response stage of a disaster. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2017;11:460–466)


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 205630512092477
Author(s):  
Caleb T. Carr

Local elections are no longer just influenced by, marketed toward, or relevant to only a small, geographically constrained electorate. Social media increasingly connect politics to publics that may extend beyond politicians’ or issues’ local constituencies. Every election—from Senator to alderperson—has been rendered accessible and relevant to broad individuals, organizations, and interests. Now, campaigns—particularly in close races or battleground areas—can canvas beyond the local level to seek donations, campaign volunteers, or to encourage local residents to vote. Social media have become venues to demonstrate a candidate’s likability with users, which are parlayed into local goodwill and electability. And foreign nationals and governments increasingly are using social media to spread disinformation or to otherwise sway local issues. Ultimately, what was once a city, county, state, provincial, or national election can now play out on a global stage through social media, with all of the subsequent influence and impacts. This article uses several geographically dispersed and representative examples to exemplify the delocalization of the local election, including Beto O’Rourke’s 2018 Senate Campaign (the US), the effect of nationwide social media popularity and interactivity on local election results (Taiwan and The Netherlands), and Russian influence in the 2016 Brexit Referendum (the UK). It concludes by calling for new understanding of what political involvement and political action may mean in a socially mediated society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-297
Author(s):  
Isnawati Rais

This study aims to look at the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on divorce rates in Indonesia. Few months after the outbreak, the media reported the increasing rate of divorce. Some authorities and researchers have taken this information for granted; therefore, their responses can be misleading. This socio-legal study confronts the media reports with the statistical data on divorce case numbers received by the Religious (Islamic) Courts and the Religious Courts judges’ explanation about the issue. This study finds out that the one-year period (2020) of the COVID-19 pandemic has not influenced the rates of divorce cases submitted to the court. Social mobility restrictions and the inadequate use of the E-Court facility to enhance courts’ performance are among the causes of the crowding of divorce applicants. This implies that the current COVID-19 pandemic has little impact on divorce dynamics despite its significant influence on households’ economic instability and the increasing of domestic violence cases. With a more careful response to the media report, the authorities will be able to address the real issues faced by many households and the judiciary.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 6-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Bentivegna ◽  
Giovanni Boccia Artieri

Contemporary political communication is conditioned by an information environment characterised, on the one hand, by increased choice, and on the other by the fragmentation and multiplication of the ways of consuming information. This article introduces the notion of the ‘interrelated public agenda’ as a frame to study this context, taking into account elements of convergence and divergence from a single viewpoint, adopting a complex analysis model which proceeds along axes which make it possible to detect a continuum in which opposing forces are in a constant, problematic equilibrium. In this sense, we identified three dimensions which are helpful in describing public agenda interrelations. First, <em>horizontality vs verticality</em>, which contains the dynamics of power, and is generated in a context of political disintermediation, through the altered nature of the media system—in the complex relation between legacy media and web 2.0, and between social, institutional actors, and others. Second, <em>personal vs aggregative</em>, which stresses the need to take account of convergences and divergences between personal orientation towards certain issues and the aggregative pressure in different media spaces in which people feel at home: from information consumption via media diets of varying complexity to active participation in the production of content or in public discourse, offline and online. And finally, <em>dynamic vs static</em>, which points to the need to orient analysis towards the relation between media spaces rather than focusing on specific spaces, thus helping, importantly, to make up for the current dearth of research in comparison with studies of single platforms.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Qian Yang ◽  
Stephanie Liu ◽  
Ming Tai-Seale ◽  
Mengfei Yu ◽  
Mengfei Yu ◽  
...  

BACKGROUND The serious violence against physicians (VAD) in China has aroused world concern. Moreover, the aggravation of VAD was attributed to online media reports. OBJECTIVE To figure out after reading the VAD reports covered by the media, what kind of attitudes trends do the readers show for the actions of both patients and physicians? Are these trends influenced by the introduction and direction of national policies? METHODS We searched the Chinese VAD reports in international media sources from 2011-2016. We then tracked back the original reports and web-crawled the comments in China. After sampling and coding, we conducted a time series trend analysis. RESULTS Bootstrap shows the relationship between public sentiment of VAD reports and government’s interventions is significant. The interaction between year and attitude is significant. It was significant only between year 2013 and year 2014. The main VAD policies were enacted in 2013 and 2014. In 2011 and 2012, the proportion of "blame doctor" and "support doctor" was relatively balanced. However, in 2013, the proportions began to shift: the proportion of "blame doctor" rose while "support doctor" dropped. CONCLUSIONS The state's administrative intervention effectively guided the public opinion. When government pays attention to the impact of the network on society, broken window effect was controlled that cyber-violence towards medical staff could decrease.


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