scholarly journals Engage, Dis-Engage and Re-Engage: Analysing Beijing-Delhi Relations since the Post-Cold War Period

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-54
Author(s):  
Pervaiz Ali Mahesar ◽  
Ali Khan Ghumro ◽  
Abdul Hameed Mahesar
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Terms Of Trade ◽  
Territorial Disputes ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
China And India ◽  
Current State ◽  
Mutual Interest

China and India are interlinked through their civilization, culture, economy, trade, and technology. Their interactions are increasing yet constrained by certain political and territorial disputes. The current state of their relations appears to be disengaged by the events, such as Chinese blockage of Indian entry into NSG (Nuclear Suppliers Group) in 2016, and their military confrontation at Doklam plateau in the year 2017, re-engaged at Wuhan on April 28, 2018, but again dis-engaged due to conflict at Ladakh (Galwan Valley) 2020, shows how their relations have engaged and disengaged. This paper examines how both states have engaged, disengaged, and re-engaged since the Post-Cold War period. The study finds that both countries have huge potential and opportunities to expand and deepen their economic and trade ties not only for their mutual interest but also for the region at large. It concludes that the nature of their relations would remain highly competitive in terms of trade and economy, oil, and energy, gaining status, and influence at the regional and global levels.

China-India Relations in the Post-Soviet Era: The Continuing Rivalry

1995 ◽  
Vol 142 ◽  
pp. 317-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Mohan Malik
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
China And India ◽  
Security Environment ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Status ◽  
Significant Step ◽  
Indian Relations ◽  
The Cold War

In September 1993, China and India signed an agreement “to maintain peace and tranquillity” along their disputed Himalayan border. This agreement between the two Asian giants – which required both sides to respect the Line of Actual Control (LAC), that is to maintain the status quo pending a peaceful, final boundary settlement and to reduce military forces along the border in accordance with the principle of “mutual and equal security” – has been described as a “landmark agreement” and “a significant step forward” in their uneasy relations since the 1950s. It was a logical culmination of a series of developments since the late 1980s, especially the visit of India's Premier to Beijing in 1988 and the reciprocal visit of China's Premier to New Delhi in 1991; the end of the Cold War and the bipolar system following the Soviet collapse; the consequent dramatic changes in the global strategic environment; and the overall improvement in bilateral relations between China and India.However, the fact that Sino-Indian relations today seem to be better than at any time during the last four decades should not lead one to assume that all the hurdles in the relationship have been overcome. This article examines the factors underlying the current détente, and analyses Indian and Chinese perspectives on their bilateral relations as well as the wider post-Cold War Asian security environment. It concludes that a thaw in Sino-Indian relations notwithstanding, the two sides are poised for rivalry for regional dominance and influence in the multipolar world of the 21st century.

scholarly journals The Afterlives of Frantz Fanon and the Reconstruction of Postcolonial Studies

2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-128
Author(s):  
Bhakti Shringarpure
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Third World ◽  
Postcolonial Theory ◽  
American Culture ◽  
Postcolonial Studies ◽  
Frantz Fanon ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Point Of Entry ◽  
Current Trends ◽  
Current State

This essay mobilizes Fanon as a point of entry into mapping the current state of postcolonial studies, and within that, reflects on what constitutes the postcolonial canon. Over a gradual course of the eighties and nineties, there has come about a transition from the field’s founding moments in which anti-imperialism, tricontinentalism, Third World nationalism and aesthetics of realism and resistance thrived, to the current trends that show a slant toward postmodernist fragmentation, multiculturalism, issues of diaspora, metropolitan narratives as well as a proclivity toward theorizing the field itself. There are many reasons for this: the specific dynamics of the post-Cold War American culture within which these works were received; the compromised relationship between academic and commercial publishing culture, which made a jump from narratives of decolonization and neocolonialism to metropolitan multiculturalism; and the sway of postmodernism over academia as a whole, which led to a disregard for Marxist theories and, more importantly, to a neglect of realism as a mode and aesthetic in postcolonial theory. These factors have worked together to shape how the genealogy of postcolonial studies and its theory have come to be accepted as “obvious.” This has, in turn, had strong repercussions for the kind of literature and theory that have come to be celebrated and canonized within the field. The essay draws on Anthony Alessandrini's Frantz Fanon and the Future of Cultural Politics: Finding Something Different (2014) and Neil Lazarus' The Postcolonial Unconscious (2011) to offer a reconstructed genealogy of the field of postcolonial studies. 

Russian-American Relations in the Post-Cold War World

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
James W. Peterson
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Developmental Stages ◽  
First Century ◽  
Policy Options ◽  
Global Citizen ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Balkan Wars ◽  
Mutual Interest ◽  
Defence Reactions

Why did the Russian take-over of Crimea come as a surprise to so many observers in the academic practitioner and global-citizen arenas? The answer presented in this book is a complex one, rooted in late-Cold War dualities but also in the variegated policy patterns of the two powers after 1991. This book highlights the key developmental stages in the evolution of the Russian-American relationship in the post-Cold War world. The 2014 crisis was provoked by conflicting perspectives over the Balkan Wars of the 1990s, the expansion of NATO to include former communist allies of Russia as well as three of its former republics, the American decision to invade Iraq in 2003, and the Russian move to invade Georgia in 2008. This book uses a number of key theories in political science to create a framework for analysis and to outline policy options for the future. It is vital that the attentive public confront the questions raised in these pages in order to control the reflexive and knee-jerk reactions to all points of conflict that emerge on a regular basis between America and Russia.Key topics include struggles over the Balkans, the expansion of NATO, the challenges posed by terrorism to both nations, wars fought by both powers in the first decade of the twenty-first century, conflict over missile defence, reactions to post-2011 turmoil in the Middle East, and the mutual interest in establishing priorities in Asia.

Why Nations Rise

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manjari Chatterjee Miller
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Order ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Economic Power ◽  
Rising Powers ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
China And India ◽  
The Military

What are rising powers? Do they challenge the international order? Why do some countries, but not others, become rising powers? Why Nations Rise answers these questions and shows that some countries rise not just because they develop the military and economic power to do so, but because they develop particular narratives about how to become a great power in the style of the great power du jour. These active rising powers accept the prevalent norms of the international order in order to become great powers. On the other hand, countries that have military and economic power but not these narratives do not rise enough to become great powers—they remain reticent powers. This book examines the narratives in historical (the United States, the Netherlands, Meiji Japan) and contemporary (Cold War Japan, post–Cold War China and India) cases to show patterns of active and reticent rising powers. It ends with lessons for how to understand two rising powers today, China and India.

scholarly journals THE REGION OF PAKISTAN, CHINA, AND INDIA: GEOPOLITICAL CURRENTS AFTER THE COLD WAR TILL 9/11

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-99
Author(s):  
Khurshaid ◽  
Ahmad Ali ◽  
Syed Ali Shah
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Theoretical Model ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The Other ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
China And India ◽  
Thematic Approach ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
India And China

After the Cold War Pakistan, China and India had opportunities to adjust each other according to the geopolitical trends of the time. In the post-Cold War era, there was no Soviet Union to influence relations between India and China. On the other side, Pakistan did not lose its Cold War ally, United States; to make independent relations in the region on its choices. American sanctions would turn Pakistan into a selfassumed path of foreign policy. The resultant regional geopolitical scenario, after the Cold War, may best be explained by applying the theoretical model of Saul B. Cohen- Shatterbelt. The shatterbelt means such volatile areas that would not allow the states to go for friendly relations. The study is qualitative in nature. The data is secondary which is interpreted through Thematic Approach.

A CRITICAL APPRAISAL OF THE POST-COLD WAR UNITED STATES OF AMERICA’S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS KENYA: AN AFROCENTRIC PERSPECTIVE

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-169
Author(s):  
K B Shai ◽  
T Nyawasha
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Critical Appraisal ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Current State ◽  
The Us ◽  
State Relations ◽  
The Relationship

This article uses African critical theory (also known as Afrocentricity) to appraise US-Kenya inter-state relations. It does this first by contemporaneously historicising the relationship between the two countries and also looking at the current state of the US-Kenyan affair. Largely, the study carries a historical sensibility as it traces the relationship between Kenya and the US from as far as 1963. Our interest in this study is to highlight the peculiarity of the relationship between Kenya and the US. Put yet in another way, we seek to look at the nuances of the relationship. To achieve this, we rely methodologically on both primary and secondary sources to generate data. The data are analysed through the use of interdisciplinary critical discourse in its widest form. Overall, the central question we grapple with here is why the US sees in Kenya an indispensable political ally amidst all struggles and moments; some which have become part of the Kenyan political history, as this article will show. Three underlying currents shaping the relationship between Kenya and the US are identified in this article: 1) the consolidation of democracy; 2) the 2007 Kenyan election; and 3) the strategic importance of Kenya to the US’s overall political mission and objective. Lastly, this article makes its contribution to the existing body of literature in International Public Affairs (IPA) by implicitly and rigorously employing Afrocentricity as a new contextual lens to study US-Africa affairs.

Gendering World Politics: Issues and Approaches in the Post–Cold War Era. By J. Ann Tickner. New York: Columbia University Press, 2001. 262p. $45.00 cloth, $17.50 paper.

2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 894-895
Author(s):  
Sandra Whitworth
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Exponential Growth ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Columbia University ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Current State ◽  
Current Volume ◽  
Cold War Era

J. Ann Tickner's Gendering World Politics revisits—in the best sense of the term—many of the same themes she explored in her pathbreaking 1992 book, Gender in International Relations. The current volume comes almost a decade after that first book appeared—a decade during which both the field of international relations and the subfield of feminist IR have seen dramatic change and, especially in the case of the latter, exponential growth. Gendering World Politics brings us up to date on the current state of debates within IR and provides a thoroughgoing and sophisticated introduction to what is now a very sizable feminist IR literature. Perhaps the most important contribution of this book, however, is that it allows Tickner to move forward an agenda she has been exploring for a number of years now, to encourage “conversations” between mainstream and feminist IR, and, in particular, to ask why authentic conversations, despite a decade of both turmoil and growth, have not been more forthcoming. As she writes in the Preface, “I have spent much of this time trying to understand why the intellectual gulf between different IR approaches is so wide and why conversations between proponents of these various approaches can be so difficult” (p. x).

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