scholarly journals BASHKIR FAMILY NAMES ONYMS FORMED FROM APOTROPEIC PERSONAL NAMES

Author(s):  
Резида Ахметьяновна Сулейманова

Статья посвящена изучению башкирских фамилий, восходящих к древним охранительным (апотропеическим) личным именам, призванным отвратить «злые силы» от новорожденного, вышедшим из употребления и отсутствующим в современном башкирском именнике. Основным источником данного исследования послужили башкирские фамилии, зафиксированные в сборнике документов «Формулярные списки о службе чиновников Башкирско-мещерякского войска за 1836–1842 годы», вышедшем в двух книгах (2012, 2014 гг.), в которых опубликованы документы второй четверти XIX в., в первую очередь, формулярные списки чиновников Башкирско-мещерякского войска. Сравнительно-историческое исследование значений отдельных личных имен на общетюркском фоне проводилось с опорой на данные, извлеченные из «Древнетюркского словаря» и «Башкирских шэжэрэ» Р. Г. Кузеева. На основе трудов этнокультурной направленности не только в области тюркских народов, но и восточных славян, было установлено, что происхождение многих охранительных имен связано с обрядом купли-продажи ребенка, в частности, это имена на основе лексем һатыу ‘продавать’, түләү ‘платить’, табыу ‘находить’, ҡал в значении ‘(этот) не умер, остался’, торһон, в которую вложено значение йәшәһен, үлмәһен ‘пусть живет, останется’, туҡта ‘стой, остановись’. Защищенным, по мнению древних башкир, считался и тот ребенок, который, по условиям старинного обряда, пролежал в собачьей конуре рядом с ее хозяином и был наречен именем, содержащим в своей основе лексему эт ‘собака’. Защитными силами, по мнению древних башкир, обладали также и названия камней и минералов, такие как, алтын ‘золото’, көмөш ‘серебро’, булат ‘булат’ и, конечно же, тимер ‘железо’, на которое обменивали ребенка во время мнимой купли-продажи. В целях защиты от злых сил у древних башкир существовала также традиция нарекания ребенка плохим именем (к примеру, Бузук, Яманбай и т. д.). В особую группу выделяются и охранительные личные имена с компонентом иш ‘пара, чета’, которым нарекали детей, если предыдущие их братья либо сестры не выживали. Все рассмотренные нами охранительные личные имена, являющиеся отражением обряда купли-продажи младенца, а также веры народа в силу слова, в настоящее время бытуют в основном лишь в фамилиях. The article is devoted to the study of Bashkir surnames that go back to the ancient protective (apotropic) personal names, designed to ward off "evil forces" from a newborn, which are obsolete and absent in the modern Bashkir name list. The main source of this study was the Bashkir surnames recorded in the collection of documents "Formulary lists on the service of officials of the Bashkir-Meshcheryak army for 1836-1842", published in two books (2012, 2014), in which documents of the second quarter of the 19th century were published. , first of all, formular lists of officials of the Bashkir-Meshcheryak army. A comparative-historical study of the meanings of individual personal names against the general Turkic background was carried out based on data extracted from the “Ancient Turkic dictionary” and “Bashkir shezhere” by R. G. Kuzeeva. On the basis of ethnocultural works not only in the field of the Turkic peoples, but also of the Eastern Slavs, it was established that the origin of many protective names is associated with the ritual of buying and selling a child, in particular, these are names based on the lexemes katyu 'sell', tүlәү 'pay' , tabyu 'find', al in the meaning '(this) did not die, remained', tor ,on, in which the meaning of yshәһen is embedded, үlmәһen 'let him live, stay', tuҡta 'stop, stop'. Protected, according to the ancient Bashkirs, was considered the child who, according to the terms of the old rite, lay in a dog kennel next to its owner and was named with a name containing the lexeme et ‘dog’. The names of stones and minerals, such as altyn 'gold', kөmөsh 'silver', bulat 'bulat' and, of course, timer 'iron', for which the child was exchanged during the imaginary purchase and sale. In order to protect against evil forces, the ancient Bashkirs also had a tradition of criticizing a child with a bad name (for example, Buzuk, Yamanbai, etc.). Protective personal names with the ish ‘couple, couple’ component, which were given to children if their previous brothers or sisters did not survive, also stand out in a special group. All the protective personal names we have considered, which are a reflection of the ceremony of buying and selling a baby, as well as the people's belief in the power of the word, are currently mainly found in surnames.

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 799-819 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesco Marmo ◽  
Nicola Ruggieri ◽  
Ferdinando Toraldo ◽  
Luciano Rosati

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Krunoslav Puškar

This thesis deals with the analysis and description of the historical and contemporary anthroponymy of the Kalnik area of the Prigorje region on the basis of both archival and field research carried out throughout a longer period of time. Since there has not been any extensive onomastic reasearch in the very area to date, our goal was to determine the influence of linguistic and extralinguistic changes in the reaserched onomastic categories. The introduction of this thesis provides the geographical, sociohistorical, demographical and linguistic context of the researched area, whereas the subsequent chapters provide a list and analysis of confirmed first names, personal and family nicknames, as well as family names of the reaserched area. First names were researched during nine time periods with a duration of five years, beginning from 1802 and ending in 2014. Because of a wide researched area, we limited our research on the anthroponymic repertoire of the city of Križevci, in which 3020 first names (1579 male and 1441 female names) were confirmed. In the 19th century, during five analysed time periods, 1519 first names were confirmed, out of which 814 male and 705 female names, which were mostly simple based on their structure (91.64%). Concerning the provenance of the first names, we established that almost all names were either Christian names or translated Christian names and that national names occur very rarely and sporadically, only in the second half of the 19th century. By comparison, in the 20th and 21st century, during the last four time periods, 1501 first names have been confirmed, out of which 765 were male and 736 female names. Concerning their structure, they turned out to be mostly compound first names in the 1946- 1950 time period (55.69%), whereas in the 2010-2014 time period they turned out to be predominantly single (97.02%). Concerning their provenance, in the 1946-1950 time period 48.39% of male and 57.58% of female national names were confirmed, whereas in the last time period male national names amount to 4.05%, and female national names to only 1.27%. Personal nicknames are a special anthroponymic category which has not been researched in the Kalnik area. Having limited our field research on 13 places throughout the area, we confirmed 288 real personal nicknames, 245 male and 43 female nicknames, of mostly simple structure (95.14%), which are still mostly used in oral and informal communication. The motivation behind the nicknames has faithfully shown us the extralinguistic reality of the researched area. The most frequent motivational group of nicknames is the one of unknown motivation (23.96%), while the other confirmed groups are nicknames motivated by a first name (12,15%), a physical characteristic of the owner (12.15%), another characteristic of the owner (11,81%), a specific word used by the owner (8.33%), an animal (6.94%), a family name (6.60%), an occupation (6.25%), an ethnonym or toponym (4.51%), a family or social role (2.78%), a professional designation (1.38%), food (1.04%), a name for a plant (1.04%), a subject (0.69%), and another nickname (0.35%). The high frequency of nicknames of unknown motivation shows us the importance of future research of this anthroponymic category because, due to the passage of time, it is difficult to determine the real motivation of every nickname. We came to the same conclusion during our research of family nicknames, another specific anthroponymic category, still quite present in the Kalnik area. Having limited our field research on 12 places throughout the wide researched area, we managed to confirm 173 real family nicknames, whose designated motivational groups provided us with important sociolinguistic pieces of information. Concerning their structure, the majority of family nicknames turned out to be simple (N = 129), whereas concerning their motivation, the majority of family nicknames were of unknown motivation (N = 33). Other motivational groups were the following: a first name (N = 27), an occupation (N = 27), a family name (N = 25), a personal nickname (N = 22), a certain characteristic (N = 13), an ethnonym (N = 10), a toponym (N = 6), a certain subject (N = 6), and an animal (N = 4). All these mentioned different anthroponymic categories (first names, personal and family nicknames) can be confirmed profusely in the last anthroponymic category researched and analysed in this thesis – family names. Having employed the criterion of their minimum continuity of 100 years in the researched area, we have managed to confirm 1360 family names with centuries old continuity, since the 14th century to this very day. With this criterion we also managed to reduce a significant number of over 3000 family names with mostly no continuity, as well as to confirm those last names which had left their trace in the researched area. Of course, not all family names confirmed by this criterion are necessarily connected to the researched area, but are only detected in it. Out of 1360 confirmed family names, we succeeded in determining 189 family names which occur exclusively or mostly in the researched area, 100 family names which do not occur in contemporary anthroponymy of the area, and 97 family names which could also become extinguished in near future. Concerning their structure, the majority of all family names occur without a suffix (N = 681). All the confirmed family names were analysed according to their structure and motivation and listed in our Lexicon of family names at the end of this very thesis.


Author(s):  
Antti Raunio

Martin Luther’s thought has had strong influence on the religious and churchly life in the Baltic countries Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, as well as in Finland. Its impact has not been restricted just to the Church but also has had deep social and political aspects. However, the role of Luther’s theology has been quite different in the Baltics and in Finland, mostly because the Reformation occurred in a totally different ways in each area. In the Baltics, the biggest towns had already turned to the Reformation by the 1520s, but in Finland the change was part of King Gustav Vasa’s work for strengthening the state. In the Baltics, the Reformation took place in direct contact with Luther and his colleagues, whereas in Finland the first influences came through some of his writings and the theologians who had studied in Wittenberg. During the 17th century, almost the whole area, except Lithuania, belonged to the Swedish kingdom. Theologically, this was the time of the Lutheran Orthodoxy, which was based on the Confessional Books of the Lutheran Church. From Luther’s works, the catechisms were known and used. In the Baltics, the time of Confessional Lutheran theology lasted until the 1910s. In the 19th century, certain Baltic German theologians, especially Theodosius Harnack, practiced remarkable Luther research. Harnack opposed the Neo-Protestant Luther interpretation and strongly influenced the understanding of Luther’s theology of the cross. Only in the 1910s did the Neo-Protestant Luther interpretation of Albrecht Ritschl and Adolf von Harnack get some support. In the 20th century, the Baltic theology was not very much concentrated on Luther, though some presentations of his person and thought were published and a clear consciousness of his thought was present. The Soviet time from 1940 to the beginning of 1990s was difficult for all types of theology. Nevertheless, for example, Elmar Salumae managed to translate international Luther research into Estonian and maintain the knowledge of Lutheran theology. In Finland, the 19th century did not produce academic Luther research, but Luther’s theology was important for the pietistic revival movement, and it played a central role in the disagreement of the revival leaders, which led to a division of the movement. Academic research on the Reformation began in Finland at the end of the 19th century, first as a historical study of the Finnish reformer Mikael Agricola and the Reformation in Finland. Research on Luther’s theology followed the German Luther Renaissance and began in the 1920s. The fruits of this research were published in the 1930s by Eino Sormunen and Yrjö J. E. Alanen and some years later by Lennart Pinomaa. After Pinomaa, Finnish Luther research played some role at the international level. It was first attached especially to the Swedish Lundensian approach and later, from the beginning of the 1980s, became more distant from it. Today Finnish Luther research refers above all to the work of Tuomo Mannermaa and his pupils. This theology, which stresses the real presence of Christ in faith and the participation in the Divine love, is not only academic research but also it has been applied to many churchly and ecumenical questions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 120
Author(s):  
Jean-Louis Halpérin

<p><strong>RESUMÉ:</strong></p><p>La réflexion sur la diversité des approches méthodologiques en droit comparé n’a guère porté, au cours de ces dernières décennies, sur le droit pénal. Cette relative lacune de la littérature tient à une conception d’un droit pénal universel qui connaîtrait seulement quelques variations dans la sévérité plus ou moins grande de la répression. Il apparaît pourtant utile pour les comparatistes d’identifier de manière historique les développements de la discipline du droit pénal et de considérer que le champ pénal n’est pas identique à lui-même à travers le temps et l’espace. Cette contribution s’attache à montrer comment la spécialisation des pénalistes, à partir du XIXe siècle, s’est accompagnée longtemps d’une démarche comparative avant que ne s’installe une sorte de désintérêt pour la comparaison des infractions reconnues ou non par les différents ordres juridiques étatiques. Or, la prise en compte des phénomènes de criminalisation et de décriminalisation montre à quel point ces droits étatiques sont susceptibles de converger ou de diverger, en présentant des configurations beaucoup plus complexes que les traditionnelles familles de droit. En recourant à la théorie du droit, le droit pénal comparé alimente la réflexion sur la place des lois prohibitives, leur éventuelle relation avec des normes culturelles et le recours à des interdits dans des domaines qui font l’objet dans d’autres pays à des lois permissives.</p><p> </p><p><strong>RESUMO:</strong></p><p>A discussão sobre a diversidade de abordagens metodológicas em direito comparado, no decorrer das últimas décadas, pouco se debruçou sobre o direito penal. Esta lacuna se deve à uma concepção de direito penal universal que admitiria apenas variações no grau de severidade da repressão. Contudo, para os comparatistas mostra-se útil identificar historicamente o desenvolvimento da disciplina de direito penal e considerar que o campo não se mantém inalterado através do tempo e do espaço. Este trabalho visa mostrar como, a partir do século XIX, a especialização de penalistas foi acompanhada por muito tempo de uma abordagem comparativa, antes de que se instalasse um desinteresse pela comparação de infrações reconhecidas -ou não- por diferentes ordenamentos jurídicos estatais. A compreensão dos fenômenos de criminalização e descriminalização mostra até que ponto os direitos estatais são suscetíveis de convergir ou divergir, apresentando configurações muito mais complexas que as tradicionais famílias de direito. Assim, utilizando-se da teoria do direito, o direito penal comparado incita a reflexão sobre o papel das leis proibitivas, sua eventual relação com normas culturais e a possibilidade de proibições em determinadas matérias serem objetos de leis permissivas em outros países.</p><p> </p><p><strong>ABSTRACT:</strong></p><p>The discussion about the methodological diversity in Comparative Law has barely touched upon criminal law. This gap in the literature is due to a conception of universal Criminal Law in which only variations regarding the severity of crime’s repression would be admitted. Nonetheless, the historical study of Criminal Law along with the reflection on changes in the discipline through time and space has proven to be useful for comparatists. The aim of this study is to show how the specialization of scholars of Criminal Law, since the 19th century, had been accompanied by a comparatist approach before a pervasive disinterest in comparing infractions under different legal systems came to be the rule. The phenomena of criminalization and decriminalization reveal to what point legal systems converge or diverge in a more elaborated way than those depicted by the traditional division of legal systems. Thus, Comparative Criminal Law, using the insights from Legal Theory, stimulates reflections on the role of prohibitive laws, their relation with cultural norms, and the possibility of a prohibition being permitted elsewhere – i.e. other countries.</p><p> </p>


Author(s):  
Fred Puss

Rööpsete perekonnanimede teke on unikaalne Eestis ja Lätis, kus mõisas pandi 1820.–1830. aastail samale talupojale üks, kirikus aga teine perekonnanimi. Nimede panemise õigus oli mõisadel, kuid kohati võtsid pastorid osa nimede panekust ning muutsid kirikuraamatutes nimesid ka hiljem. Eestis oli üksikuid piirkondi (mõisu), kus rööpnimede hulk oli suurem, nt Ahja mõisas 53%, Roosna-Alliku mõisa Järva- Madise kihelkonna osas 32%, olles enamasti aga mõne protsendi piires. Võnnu kihelkonnas muutsid vastastikku üksteise nimeloomet mõisavalitsused, kolm järjestikust pastorit ning eriti köster. Pärast üldise perekonnanimepanekuga loodud rööpnimesid oli XIX sajandi teisel poolel ja XX sajandi algul nende tavalisim tekkepõhjus saksastamine, harvem sugulussuhete muutumine (kärgpered, lapsendamised). Kui mõnel pool jõudsid kirikuraamatute nimekujud ka hingeloendisse, siis tavaline see polnud. Sel põhjusel oli ka XX sajandi algul inimestel vallavalitsuse välja antud tsaariaegses passis või iseseisvusaegsel isikutunnistusel üks, kirikuraamatutes teine nimi. Rööpnimed kaotati enamasti riiklike perekonnaregistrite sisseseadmisega alates 1926. aastast ning ametlikustati reeglina sünnikandes leiduv nimekuju. Osal juhtudel tekkisid topeltnimed. Rööpnimed on dokumentides tekitanud segadust ka hiljem. Abstract. Fred Puss: Muuga or Kersna? The appearance and perishment of Estonian parallel family names. The reason for the appearance of parallel family names in Estonia and Latvia is unique: in the 1820s–1830s, the manor officials gave family names to local peasants and the Lutheran pastors changed those names or gave different ones. In some areas, mismatch was up to 53%, but generally did not exceed a few percent. Sometimes in the church records, the names were later changed to match the manor (or later tax) records, but much less often vice versa. However, when the names in the church records were changed (mostly Germanized) in the second half of the 19th century, but not in the tax records, new mismatches appeared. As of 1926, the state began to keep vital statistics records and the name in a birth entry in the church book was usually fixed as the only family name thereafter. This marked the end of the occurrence of most of the parallel family names in Estonia, but some became double family names and some still caused confusion in later records.


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renata Przybylska

The article concerns Polish personal names and their various unofficial versions and names of animals in the family language of Polish gentry families. Based on the diaries of representatives of landed gentry families concerning the second half of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century, the author presents and interprets the unofficial forms of names and nicknames used in these families. She shows the main structural types of word-formation variants of male and female names, discusses their pragmatic functions and typical contexts of use. She reveals the forms of names characteristic of the gentry. The author shows the landowner’s name as an essential component of the family language of this social class.


Author(s):  
Patrick Hanks ◽  
Richard Coates ◽  
Peter McClure

Over 45,000 entriesThis huge new dictionary is the ultimate reference work on family names of the UK, covering English, Scottish, Welsh, Irish, Cornish, and immigrant surnames. It includes every surname that currently has more than 100 bearers, and those that had more than 20 bearers in the 1881 census.Each entry contains lists of variant spellings of the name, an explanation of its origins (including the etymology), lists of early bearers showing evidence for formation and continuity from the date of formation down to the 19th century, geographical distribution, and, where relevant, genealogical and bibliographical notes, making this a fully comprehensive work on family names.This authoritative guide also includes an introductory essay explaining the historical background, formation, and typology of surnames and a guide to surnames research and family history research. Additional material also includes a list of published and unpublished lists of surnames from the Middle Ages to the present day.


2002 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Steen Rosenvinge Lundbye

Resultater fra Lundbyes speciale og lokalhistorisk forsknings relevans for den samlede idrætshistoriske opfattelse.Steen Rosenvinge Lundbye: Who were they? A Local historical study of the earliest private gymnastic and sports initiatives in Århus and RandersWhy did people become members of a gymnastic or sport association at the end of the 19th century? If we study exclusively the professional groups to which members of Denmark’s earliest gymnastic and sports associations belonged, it becomes clear that business and office occupations represented a large majority. This has been interpreted as evidence for the fact that professional affiliations were a prerequisite for admission and membership of these associations. However, as the present article attempts to demonstrate, an overrepresentation of this kind does not necessarily mean that everything depended on professional relations. A detailed local historical study of the earliest members of Århus Gynmastic Association in 1880 and of Randers Gynmastic Association of 1872, focusing especially on members’ social and residential relations, shows that other factors can be indicated that might also have had considerable significance. In this way it appears that a large number of members had other features in common besides their profession. A very large proportion of them had addresses on the same land registry title, a situation which becomes particularly evident when all members addresses are drawn in on a land registry map. These results lead to the logical conclusion that an incoming member’s social circle had just as much influence on the chance of he or she becoming a member or not. In spite of the simplicity of this thesis, it has until now been bypassed by Danish researchers into sporting history, and it could be a benefit if other associations’ members could be studied in the similar way. Only by that means can we achieve clear answers to these questions.


2001 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Renilda BARRETO

Este trabalho, de natureza historiográfica, pretende discutir a forma de organização do saber médico na Bahia do século XIX em torno do corpo feminino. Este período revela a emergência do saber médico, fundamentado no espírito de cientificidade oitocentista, em contraposição às práticas seculares de curas, respaldadas no saber popular. O texto foi produzido a partir das consultas a fontes primárias, tais como as publicações da Gazeta Médica da Bahia, jornais e periódicos de circulação em Salvador, no período em questão; Memórias Históricas da Faculdade de Medicina; teses de conclusão de curso; os discursos proferidos na Câmara Municipal; relatórios médicos da Santa Casa de Misericórdia de Salvador, dentre outros documentos reveladores da construção do saber médico na Bahia do século XIX. A análise aqui desenvolvida está ancorada na história social da medicina e do corpo. Abstract This historical study aims at the discussion about how medical knowledge of the female body was organized in Bahia in the 19th century. That period reveals the emergence of medical knowledge based on the scientific spirit of the 1800’s as opposed to old healing practices supported by popular perceptions. The text was produced from research into primary sources such as issues of Gazeta Médica da Bahia (Medical Journal of Bahia) and periodicals available in Salvador during that time; Memórias Histórias da Faculdade de Medicina (Medical School Historical Memories); graduation theses; speeches given to the City Counsil; medical reports from Santa Casa de Misericórdia (a charity institution) in Salvador, among others. These documents show how medical knowledge was constructed in Bahia in the 19th century. The analysis is based on social history of medicine and the body.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
David Tong

Abstract: Richard Dawkins openly declares that he is strongly against religion since religion destroys scientific works. This assumption is not something new. Since the end of the 19th century there was a development of a thesis that claims Christianity and science are two antagonistic poles. Although this thesis is now inadequate, many Christians are still holding on to this view. In realty, the development of Darwinism in the United States is also supported by Christian scientists. When we study Old Princeton theologians we find that they have different attitude about science. When they face pressure on the development of science (in this case evolution), they actually are not reticent in accepting the fact of evolution although they reject mechanistic and naturalistic interpretation of Darwinism upon those facts. Old Princeton theologians give examples on how Christian should take a stand on science. Evangelicals in Indonesia can learn a lot of from their history and tradition. KEYWORDS: Charles Hodge, Archibald Alexander Hodge, Benjamin Breckinridge Warfiled, John Gresham Machen, Old Princeton, evolution, theistic evolution, Darwinism


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