scholarly journals “Year of resolve” – Yugoslavia 1968: student demonstrations and Tuzla’s reactions

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 300-321
Author(s):  
Jasmin Jajčević ◽  

The protests that affected the student population in 1968 around the world did not go beyond Yugoslavia. The first Belgrade, and then the students of other Yugoslav universities, launched demonstrations and highlighted the demands for more equitable relations in society. Student demonstrations in Yugoslavia that erupted in June 1968, were a series of public demonstrations and strikes and other protest actions that took place at universities in Yugoslavia, with special emphasis on demonstrations of students from the Belgrade University. The year 1968 is a symbol of revolution and historical change in society, and student revolutionary mood, mini-revolution, demonstrations, riots and dissatisfaction spread from the United States to Europe, and from Paris through Prague to Belgrade, Zagreb, Ljubljana and Sarajevo. Student dissatisfaction was initiated by the inefficiency of the implementation of economic and social reform, and the decline in the standard of living not only of the broader strata of society, which had a negative impact on the student population. During the student mini-revolution, they were trying to gain for their ideals the working class, convincing them in equal interests and the only way to the desired goal, but without success. In this connection, this paper seeks to draw on the basis of the press (Oslobodjenje and Front Freedom) and letters and telegrams addressed to the Union of Students of the Belgrade University to demonstrate that the employees of the company and mine in the Tuzla region reacted to these student demonstrations in Belgrade, then the schools, college students and others. By holding a meeting of working collectives, choirs, then sending letters and telegrams, they condemned the actions of students, but also gave full support to Tito in building a self-managing socialist society.

Author(s):  
Judith Gouwens

While there is much in the press about refugee and migrant children’s movements around the world and their status in the countries where they ultimately (or even temporarily) settle, how these children experience schooling and education is critical in mitigating the effects of the trauma they experience in their home countries, in the process of leaving their home communities or countries, in traveling to their new communities and countries and getting settled in those new communities and countries. This paper presents the stories of three teachers who work with migrant children in the United States Midwest. Interviews with these teachers show that they actively work to mitigate the trauma the migrant children have experienced by creating classrooms that welcome the children and their families, help them to have a sense of belonging in their schools and communities, and help the children develop feelings of confidence and competence, critical to overcoming toxic stress.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-110
Author(s):  
Ólafur Rastrick

The 1920s fascination with jazz music and dance provoked deep concern and anxiety about the future direction of society in different corners of the world. Jazz was readily associated with various social evils that were considered a threat to the cultural and moral wellbeing of nations as well as the mental and physical health of both individuals and society in general. Negative reception of jazz was not limited to the United States but seems to have expanded around the globe just as rapidly as the appeal of the music and movements loosely identified at the time as jazz. The article identifies defining elements of this negative discourse to explore their mechanism and bearings in particular localized settings, namely, in Australia and Iceland. The focus is on how the perceptions of jazz as a social evil contributed to conceptualizing ideas of social reform and how the demonization of jazz played a role in defining national character and culture. Australia and Iceland serve as examples for understanding the way in which the negative discourse gained a foothold in society by relating to pre-existing social anxieties, political objectives and historical context.


2020 ◽  
pp. 147892992097352
Author(s):  
Aly Hiko ◽  
Austin Horng-En Wang

Early studies show that the COVID-19 pandemic causes the rally-around-the-flag effect and increases the level of nationalism among the voters after the outbreak. However, how long does this boost last? Voters may cognitively withdraw their identification to the beloved country if the pandemic is rampant in where they live as well as when the government fails to address it thoroughly. We conducted a pre-registered MTurk experiment (n = 606) on 20 April 2020, in the United States—3 months after the first confirmed case and weeks after the large-scale lockdown. Results show that US subjects who were primed of the COVID-19 in the United States significantly decreased their level of nationalism, especially among Democrats. In contrast, the priming of “COVID-19 in the world” has no effect. The negative impact of COVID-19 on nationalism could be explained by enough time as people could observe and evaluate the government’s performance after the outbreak through the partisan lens.


1961 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-340

The International Wheat Council held its 31st session in London from November 7 to 19, 1960, for the purpose of reviewing the world wheat situation in accordance with article 21 of the 1959 International Wheat Agreement. The meeting was attended by representatives of 29 member countries and by observers from the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and the European Economic Community. According to the press, the results of the second annual review, published on December 12, 1960, revealed that although climatic conditions had created unusually favorable preconditions for an expansion of the world wheat trade during 1960–61, the world surplus at the end of the season was expected to be larger than ever. The press reported that the cause of the wheat surplus problem was government intervention in production, pricing, and trading. Government measures introduced during and shortly after World War II to meet supply deficiencies in a war-disrupted world had been allowed to continue in effect, although the years since the war had seen growing surpluses. According to reports, there had been few changes in national policies affecting producer price supports in 1960; among 25 cases classified by the Council, supports had been reduced in only two instances, while in six instances they had been raised and in seventeen they had remained unchanged. In the four main wheat exporting countries—the United States, Canada, Argentina, and Australia—the end-of-season carry-overs as of July 31 were expected to reach an unprecedented total of 60.4 million metric tons, 37.3 million metric tons over the normal stock surplus. The ultimate solution of wheat surplus problems, concluded the press, depended on a growing adjustment of national wheat policies to international realities.


1974 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 159-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. F. Clarke

On the centenary of the birth of C. P. Scott, the political outlook of the Manchester Guardian under his editorship was explained thus: ‘He, and those who wrote under him, thought always in terms of what he called “the progressive movement”. What was important was that those who were agreed on reforming measures should work together to secure them’. In its use of the rather imprecise label ‘progressive’, in its conception of a reform movement wider than strict party boundaries, in its distinctive flowering in the press—in all these respects the progressive movement of early twentieth-century America gives us some notion of what Scott had in mind. And indeed American historiography can, I believe, suggest valuable lines of analysis which have not been fully applied in England. Perhaps the most obvious would entail giving closer attention to the intellectuals and publicists and asking more searching questions about their role in politics. A few years ago the late Charles Mowat pointed to the broadly similar problems in social policy which Britain and the United States faced at this time; and he commented on how, despite these similarities, the history of social reform in the United States had been written with due attention to the history of ideas: in Britain, by contrast, almost exclusively in terms of political and administrative history. It would not, perhaps, be fair to extend Mowat's observation by saying that in England we purposely write history with the ideas left out.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (19) ◽  
pp. 100
Author(s):  
Endurance Uzobo ◽  
Stanley E. Boroh

Many studies have solely focused on the negative impact of the coronavirus while ignoring the fact that the coronavirus was also a blessing in disguise to certain institutions. This study focuses on an exploration of some of the environmental-related benefits accruing from the outbreak of the coronavirus, which eventually led many countries of the world to declare a national lockdown. The study utilised secondary sources from 21 articles gleaned from hand-searched literature from various web pages and online news, accessed through google web page (google.com) between March to September 2020. Key search words used in the search were COVID-19 and the environment, benefits of COVID-19 to the environment, the environmental impact of COVID-19, and the environmental behaviour during COVID-19. The study reported that some positive benefits of COVID-19 concerning the environment from China, the United States of America, Europe, and Africa. Findings from the review indicated that almost all the continents in the world have experienced improve environmental quality as a result of the outbreak of the coronavirus. The study further added that one of the most important dividends arising from the outbreak is the positive change in behaviour in people towards the environment. It was, therefore, recommended that there is a need for nations of the world to leverage the window of opportunity provided by the coronavirus to encourage green economic behaviour to save the environment.


Author(s):  
O. V. Zhuravliov ◽  
О. М. Simachova

The US economy is one of the richest and most diversified economies in the world and keeps its leadership in the global economy for the past 100 years. The United States is a global leader in computer technology, pharmaceuticals and the manufacture of medical, aerospace and military equipment. And although services make up about 80% of GDP, the US remains the second largest producer of industrial goods in the world and is a leader in research and development. President Donald Trump was elected in November 2016, promising a big gap with his predecessor’s regulatory, tax and trade policies. Therefore, the current socio-economic status of the USA and the possible ways of its development in the future are interesting for studying the impact on other economies, in particular, on the Ukrainian economy and the search for new and optimal ways of developing relations between the United States and Ukraine. Key macroeconomic indicators of the US economy in 2011–2018 are analyzed, demonstrating the influence of Donald Tramp’s new policy on changes in the indicators of the economy, the labor market, trade, etc., as well as possible ways of development in the coming years. The review of key macroeconomic indicators gives grounds for classifying the American economy as healthy one. Rates of GDP growth will remain in the range of 2 to 3%. These rates of growth in the world’s largest economy are callable to ensure a substantial increase in the global activity. But uncertainties in the politics may hinder global growth and have clearly negative impact on the investment growth in developed and developing economies.


Author(s):  
Jiang Junjing

Based on a wide range of sources, the article analyzes the impact of China's trade and economic relations with the United States. Several periods of interaction between countries after the end of World War II are considered. Special attention is paid to the period of restoration of diplomatic relations since 1979. Based on various sources and historiography, the author analyzes the researchers' points of view on the impact of economic issues on the relations between the two countries. In the course of the research, the author came to the conclusion that an important aspect in the direction of the foreign economic policy of the People’s Republic of China in the first post-war years was the ideological factor. The article presents an analysis of changes in the vector of China's foreign policy in different periods. The main ways of interaction between the United States and China are described, depending on changing foreign policy doctrines. The reforms launched in 1978 provided China with economic growth and a growing prestige on the world stage, which is still present today. The rapprochement between the United States and China after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 brought certain economic benefits for the two countries. However, the aggravation of relations between the countries in the new Millennium provides an opportunity for new assessments of the PRC's position on the world stage. Trump’s coming to power in the United States is regarded as an economic war between the two countries. China's increased investment capacity and technological independence make it an attractive partner for other countries, which in turn has a negative impact on trade with America. The most important thing in this situation is the fact that the globalization of the world economy caused by scientific and technological progress, including the rather close interweaving of the US and Chinese economies, contradicts the national interests of both countries, which are trying to strengthen their positions and role in the world economy. Based on the analyzed material, the author comes to the conclusion that recently the foreign policy relations between China and the United States directly depend on the economic interests of the parties.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. S. Zhiltsov

The year of 2020 started a new chapter in the development of former-Soviet countries. The coronavirus epidemic, which began in the Chinese city of Wuhan, has spread to affect all countries throughout the world, including the countries of the former Soviet Union. Its influence has already affected the economic and social development of the countries in the post-Soviet space. Closing borders, stopping tourism, and imposing severe restrictions on transport services were the first measures that contributed to reducing the incidence rates. At the same time, these measures affected bilateral and multilateral trade and economic relations among the countries of the post-Soviet space.All countries of the post-Soviet space have taken steps to allocate additional funds to combat coronavirus. Ad hoc funds were formed, the review of budget expenditures and revenues began. However, in fact in the first few months the countries faced economic distress, the overcoming of which could take considerable time.The coronavirus epidemic is taking place against the backdrop of global economic crisis and a sharp drop in oil prices. Economic development models based on increasing consumption without economic growth, increasing the level of external and internal debt have shown their insolvency. In these conditions, the countries of the post-Soviet space, which are highly dependent on the external factor, have also experienced significant economic hardships.Finally, the «price warfare» in the oil market has a strong influence. The United States and Saudi Arabia’s attempts to achieve dominance in the oil market, by displacing Russia from it, as well, have had a destabilizing impact on the world oil market. This factor has had a direct impact on those former-Soviet countries that produce and export hydrocarbon resources.In general, the coronavirus epidemic, taking place against the backdrop of global economic challenges and oil competition, will have a negative impact on the economic and political development of former-Soviet countries. The impact of the epidemic, its consequences, will affect the former-Soviet countries for many years to come.


Author(s):  
Л. Демьяненко ◽  
L. Demyanenko

<p>Russia's integration into the world economy has had a negative impact on the socio-economic situation of single-industry towns and monopolies. The state allocates billions of dollars to support such monostructures, but the standard of living of the population is consistently deteriorating. The main reason for this situation is the<br />current mechanisms of state support that are focused exclusively on the creation of innovative industries. Legal acts regulating innovation support are formed in a hurry, without taking into account the specifics of the regional economy; moreover, they lack clear recommendations for the implementation of innovative projects. Grants are not provided in time, which prevents regions from implementing projects and planning their own budgets. The mechanism of providing budget funds via the development Fund of<br />single-industry towns, which is not a member of the budget process, places the process of spending budget funds outside the legal field, which excludes proper control over the expenditure of budget funds. In this situation the city-forming enterprises that define the main profile of education are deprived of any federal support</p>


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