Berørte kroppe: Forsinkede anklager, affekt og afmagt

2021 ◽  
pp. 67-86
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Hoff-Clausen

The metoo-movement has sparked intense debate about the public accusations raised against named individuals for sexually transgressive behavior. A recurring point of ­discussion has been the timing, or rather the delay, of alle­gations, as many of them concern violations dating back ­decades. Through textual analysis of the affective-emotional dimensions of a charge presented in the form of a personal essay, this article reflects on the plausible reasons why victims may stay silent for years before speaking up. It suggests that some allegations must come with a delay, since the affected body may be in an epistemological crisis not allowing a robust narrative to be constructed, and, to present an allegation, a ­shared terminology for the nature of the offense is needed. Hence, the article explores conditions of possibility for the agency of abused bodies

Author(s):  
R. A. W. Rhodes

This chapter is not an example of comparative politics but of area studies, a field that is descriptive, cultural, historical, and contextual, seeking to analyse a country or region. The chosen area is the dominion countries of the British Commonwealth. The chosen method is the textual analysis of primary sources: speeches, writings, evidence to inquiries, and interviews by heads of the public services. This chapter analyses how the heads of the public services articulate the traditions of ‘constitutional bureaucracy’ found in Westminster systems of parliamentary government and selectively draw on past understandings to understand present-day changes. It describes traditions under challenge that reshape reforms as reforms reshape them. In each case, it is not a question of ‘in with the new, out with the old’, but of ‘in with the new alongside key components of the old’. The myths and legends of yore remain germane to the modern public service.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147490412110056
Author(s):  
Lovisa Bergdahl ◽  
Elisabet Langmann

The paper offers a pedagogical response to the complexity of sustainability challenges that takes the existential and emotional dimensions of climate change seriously. To this end, the paper unfolds in two parts. The first part makes a distinction between ‘public pedagogy’ as an area of educational scholarship and ‘pedagogical publics’ as a theoretical lens for identifying certain qualities within educational environments, exploring what potential this distinction has for rethinking public pedagogy for sustainable development. Turning to Bonnie Honig (2015) and her call for creating ‘holding environments’ in the public sphere as a response to the democratic need of our time, the second part translates her political notion into an educational notion asking what fostering pedagogical publics as holding environments might involve. In relation to sustainability challenges, it is suggested that an environment that ‘holds’ people together as a pedagogical public has three main qualities: a) it makes room for new rituals for sustainable living to be developed in order to offer a sense of permanence; b) it invites narratives that can frame sustainability challenges in more positive registers; and c) it reinstates an intergenerational difference that serves to give back hopes and dreams to adults and children in troubling times.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clive Vinti

ABSTRACT Section 5 of the International Trade Administration Act 71 of 2002 (ITAA) provides that the Minister of Trade, Industry and Competition has the power to issue "Trade Policy Directives" subject to the procedures and requirements of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Constitution) and other laws. However, there is uncertainty as to how trade policy is formulated under section 5 of the ITAA and the rights of affected parties in this regard. Thus, this article offers an exposition of the process of trade policy formulation under section 5 of the ITAA. To this end, it is my view that trade policy formulation under section 5 must be guided by section 195 of the Constitution, which requires that the public must be "encouraged" to participate in policy formulation and that this must occur in a climate of openness, transparency and accountability. In the narrower sense, it is also my view that interested parties must be given an opportunity to participate in trade policy formulation on the ground of procedural rationality and to avoid a charge of arbitrariness as twin components of the rule of law. Keywords: Trade policy; International Trade Administration Act; rule of law; legality; rationality; arbitrariness; transparency; accountability; governance.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Feona Sayles

<p>The District Council (Prohibition of Gang Insignia) Act 2009 (‘Gang Insignia Act 2009’) came into force in 2009 and prohibited the ‘display’ of ‘gang insignia’ within ‘specified areas’ of the Whanganui District. The purported aim of the legislation was to reduce intimidation of the public and confrontations between gangs. There was no requirement for intent on the part of the wearer of the insignia. This made the Whanganui gang insignia ban unique in terms of criminal law as it maintained that harm was inflicted due to group identity rather than specific conduct. This raises the question of how an identity can be constructed so that it is considered capable of causing criminal harm. To address this question, this research looked at the ways in which the media contributed to the construction of gang identity during the period of 2004 to 2013. This was achieved through (1) a content analysis of reports from three print newspapers and two online newspapers, (2) a content analysis of reader interactions with the reports, and (3) a textual analysis of two print newspapers. The research was guided by moral panic theory so looked for ways in which the events related to stages or elements of moral panic. The focus of the moral panic was also expanded so as to explore the overall context operating at the particular time. It was found that the events did correspond to a moral panic model and that whilst the panic was triggered by key occurrences of gang violence, the underlying motive for the panic could be attributed to racial tensions, penal populism, and the use of a terrorist frame. Whilst this research focuses on the construction of gang identity, the techniques used by the media can be applicable to other group identities.</p>


1972 ◽  
Vol 1 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 97-111
Author(s):  
Ndabaningi Sithole

The Revd. Ndabaningi Sithole is leader of the Zimbabwe African National Union and a minister in the American Congregational Church. He joined nationalist politics in Rhodesia in 1960 and in 1964 was sent to prison on a charge of subversion for calling on his supporters to resist UDI with any means at their disposal. After completing his sentence he was sent into detention, but in November 1968 he was re-arrested and in February 1969 sentenced to six years’ hard labour on a charge of plotting to assassinate cabinet ministers of the Rhodesian Front. The various laws under which the Revd. Sithole has been held prohibit, among other things, the publication in Rhodesia of ‘any information, pictorial or in writing’ about restricted or imprisoned individuals and also prevent any communication between them and members of the public. This means that two earlier books by Sithole, African Nationalism and the novel Obed, may not be circulated in Rhodesia and that this latest work, The Polygamist, will not be published there. The Polygamist deals with the clash between African and European culture among the Africans in Rhodesia and apparently contains autobiographical elements. It deals with the conflict between an African chieftain — ‘the polygamist’ — and his eldest son, who becomes a christian and shocks his elders by electing to marry only one wife. Interestingly enough, the novel comes down on the side of European culture, but not without a good deal of wry humour expressed at the expense of both sides, as the following extract shows.


1997 ◽  
Vol 31 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 223-244
Author(s):  
Bert Swart

According to Article 13 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights everyone is entitled to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal in the determination of any criminal charge against him. The essence of both provisions could be rephrased by saying that criminal sanctions may only be imposed on a person by an independent and impartial tribunal and only if that person has been able to defend himself against a charge during a hearing that satisfies all requirements of a fair trial.Realities, of course, are rather different. In almost all national systems of justice there is an increasing tendency to develop procedures that allow for imposing sanctions without the necessity of a criminal trial. Their main purpose is usually to relieve the system of a burden of cases with which it cannot really cope. Basically, there are two strategies to reduce the workload of courts and public prosecutors. The first is to invite the suspect to waive his right to trial in exchange for certain favours. This usually occurs in the form of an agreement between the public prosecutor and the suspect, while quite often the cooperation of the court that would have tried the case is also required. The second solution is to grant sanctioning powers to administrative bodies and to allow individual persons an appeal against their decisions to an independent and impartial tribunal.


2021 ◽  
pp. 016344372110483
Author(s):  
Tracy Adams ◽  
Sara Kopelman

Worldwide, pubic memory initiatives are attempting to memorialize the current COVID-19 crisis whilst it is still ongoing. The Picturing Lockdown collection is one such initiative, led by Historic England (HE), the UK’s statutory adviser on historic environment. Calling out to the public to submit photographed experiences of lockdown to both its website and via social media, HE recruited the public to partake in a national memory-making endeavor. To examine memorialization practices of the present, this research asks: in an era of social media, how is an archive of an ongoing crisis represented? Using a qualitative method for visual and textual analysis, this research compares the official HE Picturing Lockdown archive collection and #PicturingLockdown on Instagram. Analysis reveals tensions in three spheres: the institutional, the temporal, and the spatial. Demonstrating the dynamism and “presentism” introduced by social media, this research illustrates how traditional practices of commemoration are shifting.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 76
Author(s):  
Zhanghong Xu ◽  
Alan Yan

With the booming of Chinese internet corporations, various wrongdoings have been frequently exposed to the public, which damages their corporate image. To face the challenge, these companies usually resort to apologies for image restoration. This study investigates how apology strategies are employed by Chinese internet corporations to restore image in the event of wrongdoings. Based on a self-built corpus and by means of textual analysis, we identified different apology strategies characterized by various linguistic features. The results show that &ldquo;Illocutionary Force Indicating Devices (IFIDs)&rdquo; and &ldquo;damage repair&rdquo; are two of the most frequently used move types which are normally marked by such key linguistic features as personal pronouns, modal verbs, performative verbs and intensifiers. It is also found that IFIDs, &ldquo;giving account&rdquo; and &ldquo;admitting mistakes&rdquo;, &ldquo;offering repair&rdquo; and &ldquo;inviting further interaction&rdquo; are often incorporated together to show the company&rsquo;s sincere apologetic stance which contributes to the ultimate goal --- rebuilding corporate image and regaining the public&rsquo;s trust. However, direct expressions of &ldquo;asking for forgiveness&rdquo; are seldom found in apologies crafted by Chinese internet corporations. This study on apologies in the domain of internet corporations is believed to shed light on research on corporate apology in particular and corporate image restoration in general.


boundary 2 ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 115-144
Author(s):  
L. Elena Delgado

In the face of the public debates and protests fueled by Spain's persistent economic, social, and institutional crisis (2008–present), the country's politicians and media have consistently identified these debates and protests—in a word, social unrest—with three phenomena: nationalism, populism, and feminism. In my essay, I begin by showing how Spanish public discourse tends to situate all three on a single continuum, identifying their intersections in negative terms as a potentially disruptive excess that must be controlled, if not eliminated, to avoid a crisis of democracy. The second part of my essay moves to a theoretically informed reflection on the nature and function of political elements categorized as “excessive” in consensus democracies. Drawing on C. Lefort, J. Rancière, C. Mouffe, W. Brown. B. Honig, and L. Grattan, among others, I delve into how these perceived forms of excess function as dissonant remainders that account for the paradoxes of popular sovereignty, signaling its limits as well as its conditions of possibility.


Author(s):  
Kaitlynn Mendes ◽  
Jessica Ringrose ◽  
Jessalynn Keller

Chapter 3 presents results from a qualitative content analysis and thematic textual analysis drawn from four case studies: Hollaback!, Everyday Sexism, Who Needs Feminism?, and #BeenRapedNeverReported. The chapter presents one of the first attempts to analyze these popular feminist campaigns by answering the question of what kinds of experiences of harassment, misogyny, and rape culture the public are sharing on feminist digital platforms. We begin here to develop a key argument that digital feminist activism is far more complex and nuanced than one might initially expect, and is used in a multitude of ways, for many purposes, drawing on a range of different conventions or vernacular practices. Taking a cue from critical technology studies, we attend to emerging vernacular practices that we argue have been shaped by platform architecture, affordances, and conventions, which work to simultaneously encourage and discourage certain narratives from certain groups of people.


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