Rising

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arna Bontemps
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Public School ◽  
The State ◽  
Access To Education ◽  
The Public ◽  
Common Schools ◽  
History Of ◽  
The City

This chapter examines the history of Negro achievement in education in Illinois. In January 1825 the Illinois Legislature enacted a law calling for the establishment of common schools in each county of the state. These schools were to be open and free to every class of white citizens between the ages of five and twenty-one years, but it was not until the year 1841 that Negroes were given consideration. In the city of Chicago no discrimination was shown against Negro children in the public schools until 1863, when the council passed an order establishing a separate school for colored children. The first school for Negro children was opened by Miss Rebecca Elliott, who came to Peoria from Cincinnati in 1860. In Cairo, the first public school for Negroes was started in 1853. Also during this period, several churches in Alexander County conducted daily classes that taught readin', writin' and 'rithmetic. This chapter discusses various initiatives to increase Negro access to education in Illinois.

Education

2020 ◽  
pp. 259-264
Author(s):  
Danny M. Adkison ◽  
Lisa McNair Palmer
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Public School ◽  
School System ◽  
Educational Opportunity ◽  
The State ◽  
Board Of Education ◽  
Equal Educational Opportunity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Compulsory Attendance ◽  
State Board Of Education

This chapter addresses Article XIII of the Oklahoma constitution, which concerns education. Section 1 mandates establishment and maintenance of a public school system but does not guarantee an equal educational opportunity in the sense of equal expenditures of money for each and every pupil in the state. Section 2 states that “the Legislature shall provide for the establishment and support of institutions for the care and education of persons within the state who are deaf, deaf and mute, or blind.” Meanwhile, Section 3—which was entitled “Separate Schools for White and Colored Children”—was repealed on May 3, 1966. Section 4 states that “the Legislature shall provide for the compulsory attendance at some public or other school, unless other means of education are provided.” Section 5 grants power to the State Board of Education to supervise the instruction in public schools. Section 6 provides for the establishment of a uniform system of textbooks to be used in the public schools, making it clear that the books must be free to students.

A Historical and Political Look at the Modern School Choice Movement

2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-21
Author(s):  
Stephanie R. Logan
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Schools ◽  
School Choice ◽  
Religious Tradition ◽  
The United States ◽  
Access To Education ◽  
The Public ◽  
Common Schools ◽  
Modern School ◽  
Brown Decision

School choice in the United States can be traced back to the start of civil society when wealthy families selected a school based on educational philosophy, location, or religious tradition. As common schools emerged, larger portions of the population were able to gain access to education. However, many discovered that quality public schools were not a reality for all students. In response, some looked to school choices within and outside of the public school sector. This literature review chronicles school choice efforts to emerge following the 1954 Brown decision and highlights liberal and conservative political heritages of school choice in the United States.

scholarly journals Extensão universitária ferramenta de participação social não formal: contribuição de estudantes do ensino médio

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
João Aparecido Bazzoli ◽  
Maria da Vitoria Costa Silva ◽  
Tatiana de Oliveira Sousa
Keyword(s):  
High School ◽  
Public Schools ◽  
Public School ◽  
Social Participation ◽  
The Public ◽  
Urban Problems ◽  
The City

Este estudo objetivou compreender a extensão universitária como meio de instigar estudantes do ensino médio a participação social. Buscou-se despertar nos estudantes das escolas públicas de ensino médio a cidadania a partir da identifi cação de problemas urbanos e proposições de resoluções para estes problemas. Este estudo constatou que o mecanismo não formal de extensão se apresenta como um modo alternativo adequado e efetivo de inserção dos estudantes secundários nos debates sobre a cidade. A metodologia qualitativa aplicada nesta pesquisa partiu da análise das ações e dos resultados das atividades do projeto “Nós propomos” realizadas pelos estudantes de seis escolas estaduais em Palmas durante o ano de 2017. Concluiu-se que a extensão universitária possibilita experimentar novas ferramentas participativas não formais adequadas para a inserção de estudantes secundaristas na participação social.Palavras-chave: Cidadania. Participação social. Nós propomos. Extensão universitária.University extension social non-formal participation tool: contribution of high school studentsAbstractThis study aimed to understand the universitary extension as a means of high school studants to social participation. Sough to show to the public school high students the citizenship from the identifi cation of the urban problems and preposition of resolutions for this problems. The study checked to see if the non-formal mecanism of the extension show as alternative way appropriate and effective of secondary student’s insertion in the discussions of citizenship in the debates of the city. The qualitative metodology applied in this research started of the analysis of the actions and results of the projecto “We Propose” performed by the students from six public schools in Palmas during the year 2017. Concluded that the universitary extention makes possilble to experiment new participatory tools appropriate non-formal and promotes the integration of students in social participation.Keywords: Citizenship. Socia participation. “We Propose”. Universitary extension.Extensión universitaria herramienta de participación social no formal: contrición de estudiantes de secundariaResumenEste estudio objetivó comprender la extensión universitaria como medio de instigar a estudiantes de la enseñanza media a la participación social. Se buscó despertar en los estudiantes de las escuelas públicas de enseñanza media la ciudadanía a partir de la identificación de problemas urbanos y proposiciones de resoluciones para estos problemas. Este estudio constató que el mecanismo no formal de extensión se presenta como un modo alternativo adecuado y efectivo de inserción de los estudiantes secundarios en los debates sobre la ciudad. La metodología cualitativa aplicada en esta investigación partió del análisis de las acciones y de los resultados de las actividades del proyecto “Nosotros Proponemos” realizadas por los estudiantes de seis escuelas estatales en Palmas durante el año 2017 Se concluyó que la extensión universitaria posibilita experimentar nuevas herramientas participativas no formales adecuadas para la inserción de estudiantes secundarios en la participación social.Palabras clave: Ciudadanía. Participación social. Nosotros proponemos. Extensión universitaria. 

Obsidian Production and the State in Teotihuacan

1981 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 769-788 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael W. Spence
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Classic Period ◽  
Central Mexico ◽  
Residential Areas ◽  
The Public ◽  
Self Reliance ◽  
History Of ◽  
Social Units ◽  
The City ◽  
Independent Existence

Obsidian production was a major component of Classic period Teotihuacan's economy, with hundreds of workshops producing cores and blades of green obsidian and bifaces of grey obsidian for distribution throughout central Mexico. Although green obsidian was evidently obtained through a state network, grey obsidian procurement was conducted independently by most workshop groups. Most production took place in residential areas beyond the major public structures of the city, but some of these craftsmen also worked periodically within the public precincts where their output would have been at the disposition of state officials. The burden of this levy fell primarily upon those sectors of the industry that were most dependent on the state for support and most involved in external distribution. However, despite this evidence of an important administered element in the Teotihuacan obsidian industry, the workshops apparently maintained their independence from the state. This may have been due to their organization in strong social units that had a long history of independent existence, and to their self-reliance in procurement and distribution during the earlier stages of the industry"s development.

scholarly journals Economic and Social Impacts of Public Schools Management on the City of New Orleans and the State of Louisiana

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Matthew Uwakonye ◽  
Gbolahan S. Osho ◽  
Onochie Jude Dieli ◽  
Michael Adams
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Public School ◽  
New Orleans ◽  
School Performance ◽  
School System ◽  
Poor Performance ◽  
Public School System ◽  
The Public ◽  
Inner Cities ◽  
The City

Poverty, illiteracy, and crimes are key factors that commonly lead to poor performance in public schools in many inner cities. Without an adequate solution to eradicate these issues, a city could propel towards a path to destruction. Over the past decade, the city of New Orleans, which is known for its exotic party atmosphere, has been crippled by its failing school system, as well as increasing crime and poverty rates. New Orleans has eagerly strived to improve its social stature, but there are several issues that affect the performance of the public school system. Several research studies have shown that strong education is the key to both economic growth and crime rate reduction. Within the city of New Orleans, it is often realized that the management of the public school system has a major impact on the student’s success rate. Statistics shown that within the recent years, tests scores have been continuously lower, crime has been higher than expected, and the teacher’s salary has been unsatisfactory. This prompts the question of whether there are significant associations between social economic factors and public school performance in inner city such as New Orleans. Hence, this current research will attempt to examine factors contributing to public school performance in New Orleans.

Ras al Khaimah: further archaeological discoveries

Antiquity ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 50 (200) ◽  
pp. 216-222
Author(s):  
Beatrice De Cardi
Keyword(s):  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
The State ◽  
Focused Attention ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
History Of ◽  
The City

Ras a1 Khaimah is the most northerly of the seven states comprising the United Arab Emirates and its Ruler, H. H. Sheikh Saqr bin Mohammad al-Qasimi, is keenly interested in the history of the state and its people. Survey carried out there jointly with Dr D. B. Doe in 1968 had focused attention on the site of JuIfar which lies just north of the present town of Ras a1 Khaimah (de Cardi, 1971, 230-2). Julfar was in existence in Abbasid times and its importance as an entrep6t during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries-the Portuguese Period-is reflected by the quantity and variety of imported wares to be found among the ruins of the city. Most of the sites discovered during the survey dated from that period but a group of cairns near Ghalilah and some long gabled graves in the Shimal area to the north-east of the date-groves behind Ras a1 Khaimah (map, FIG. I) clearly represented a more distant past.

La valorisation des prestations non-bois: particularités genevoises (essai) | Commercialization of non-wood forest services: the case of Geneva (essay)

2009 ◽  
Vol 160 (8) ◽  
pp. 232-234
Author(s):  
Patrik Fouvy
Keyword(s):  
Forest Regeneration ◽  
Biological Diversity ◽  
The State ◽  
Forest Land ◽  
Private Forests ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Body ◽  
Provision Of Services ◽  
History Of ◽  
Near Future

The history of the forests in canton Geneva, having led to these being disconnected from productive functions, provides a symptomatic demonstration that the services provided by the forest eco-system are common goods. Having no hope of financial returns in the near future and faced with increasing social demands, the state has invested in the purchase of forest land, financed projects for forest regeneration and improvement of biological diversity and developed infrastructures for visitors. In doing this the state as a public body takes on the provision of services in the public interest. But the further funding for this and for expenses for the private forests, which must be taken into account, are not secured for the future.

The Landscape of War and the Transformations of the Public Sphere

2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 62-67
Author(s):  
Dijana Alic
Keyword(s):  
The European Union ◽  
Independent State ◽  
The Public ◽  
Time Space ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Modern Warfare ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The City ◽  
Edward Soja

On 6 april 1992, the european union (eu) recognised bosnia and hercegovina as a new independent state, no longer a part of the socialist federal republic of Yugoslavia. The event marked the start of the siege of sarajevo, which lasted nearly four years, until late february 1996. It became the longest siege in the history of modern warfare, outlasting the leningrad enclosure by a year. During its 1425 days, more than 11,500 people were killed. The attacks left a trail of destruction across the city, which began to transform it in ways not experienced before. This paper explores how the physical transformation of sarajevo affected the ways in which meaning and significance were assigned to its built fabric. I argue that the changes imposed by war and the daily destruction of the city challenged long-established relationships between the built fabric and those who inhabited the city, introducing new modes of thinking and interpreting the city. Loosely placing the discussion within the framework of ‘Thirdspace', established by urban theorist and cultural geographer edward soja, i discuss the relationship that emerged between the historicality, sociality and spatiality of war-torn sarajevo. Whether responding to the impacts of physical destruction or dramatic social change, the nexus of time, space and being shows that the concept of spatiality is essential to comprehending the world and to adjusting to and resisting the impact of extraordinary circumstances. Recognising the continuation of daily life as essential to survival sheds light on processes of renewal and change in a war-affected landscape. These shattered urban spaces also show the ways in which people make a sense of place in relation to specific socio-historical environments and political contexts.

The 1912 Duma Elections: The State, the Opposition and the Clergy

Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Church

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.

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