The Politics of Chinese Immigration in the Era of Mexican National Colonization

Author(s):  
Jason Oliver Chang

This chapter tells the history of Mexican colonization policy through the nineteenth century to provide a detailed context to understand the integration of Chinese immigration. Attention to national colonization reforms shows how racial ideology governed the relationship between land, indigenous people, and the state. With a large population and rich resources government officials blamed the lack of economic success on the racial inferiority of the majority indigenous population. When the political elites of Porfirio Diaz’s regime turned to Chinese immigration to address what they perceived as the republic’s racial deficiency they initiated a political drama that would shape the coming revolution in 1910 and deeply influence the reconstruction of the Mexican racial state. Because recruited Chinese labor was designed to alter the relationship between territory, Indians, and the government, racialized discourse about the Chinese reached right into the heart of Mexican politics.

2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 62
Author(s):  
Wildan Sena Utama

This book investigates how culture, particularly national culture, in Indonesia has been shaped by the government policies from the Dutch colonial period in 1900s to the Reformation era in 2000s. It is an attempt to show the relationship between the state and culture around the process of production, circulation, regulation and reception of cultural policy through different regimes. Although this book discusses government policy, the author has realized that the book needs to overcome contradictions and confusions of cultural discourse by incorporating people as explanatory element. Many aspect of culturality may be influenced by the state, but according to Jones, “it is a field that is not stable and easy to shift that facilitates resistance, and is able to turn against the state, market and other institutions” (p. 31). Jones employs two postcolonial cultural policy tools to review the history of cultural policy in Indonesia: authoritarian cultural policy and command culture. The first means that the state has assumption if majority of citizen do not have capability to inspirit a responsible citizenship and need a state’s direction in the choice of their culture. On the contrary, command culture shows that the cultural idea that is planned in fact always been placing the state as center in planning, creating policy and revising cultural practice.


2020 ◽  
Vol 79 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-102
Author(s):  
Noam Shoked

In Design and Contestation in the Jewish Settlement of Hebron, 1967–87, Noam Shoked explores how this settlement, built on lands Israel captured from Jordan in the Six-Day War of 1967, became a site of both collaboration and confrontation among architects, settlers, and government officials. Working for the government, architects at first sought to mitigate the ambitions of the settlers, but their plans were undermined by unexpected actors, such as amateur archaeologists and volunteer architects, who commandeered their designs. Unearthing the architectural history of the settlement, this article questions the received history of settlement design as the outcome of military strategy and points to the unanticipated ways in which Hebron's religious settlers drew on mainstream architectural culture to fashion their identities.


1967 ◽  
Vol 60 (5) ◽  
pp. 483-487
Author(s):  
R M S McConaghey

Dr R M S McConaghey traces the development of State control in the provision of medical services and also describes the rise in status of the general practitioner, from the early apothecary-surgeons. Mr Paul Vaughan describes the history of the British Medical Association and its development from the Provincial Medical and Surgical Association, founded by Sir Charles Hastings. He considers the relationship between the BMA and the Government, both in the past and present.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 136-152
Author(s):  
Akira Nishimura

This paper asks whether public commemorations in contemporary Japan are post-secular or not. More precisely, it investigates the postwar history of the relationship between such commemorations and the principle of keeping religion and government separate, as embodied in the constitution. Referring to several contemporary cases, I provide an overview of the discourses and actual conditions of the separation of religion and state at Chidorigafuchi National Cemetery (Chidorigafuchi Kokuritsu Senbotsusha Boen 千鳥ヶ淵国立戦没者墓苑) and Yasukuni Shrine (Yasukuni Jinja 靖国神社). In conclusion, I point out on one hand that the non-denominational expressions seen in Chidorigafuchi and other facilities show a distinctive kind of religious expression. On the other hand, I underscore that the excessive avoidance of religious participation by government officials derives from the Yasukuni issue and related legal trials. I explain the relationship of those phenomena in terms of two types of secularization: natural secularization and artificial secularization.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-247
Author(s):  
Mohammad Hefni

Success of the Ottoman empire as one of the greatest, most extensive, and longest-lasting empires in the history of the world could not be released from the efforts of the government to organize the state throught establishment various institutions. Among them are judicials instititution such as kadi courts and Hisbah institutions which was led by a muhtesib. Therefore, this paper discusses the relationship and the interaction between the kadi and the muhtesib in the Ottoman empire, and their historical roots in the periods before. The position of a kadi and a muhesib has existed in periods before the Ottoman empire. A kadi has existed since the Prophet Muhammad pbuh period. While, a muhtesib historically has began in the Greco-Roman agoranomos. In the Ottoman empire, both became important governmental functions. They had the power to pronounce decisions on everything connected with the sharî'a and the Sultanic law. They played roles in controlling urban life, its economic activities in particular. All the production and manufacturing activities in the cities that were carried out within the framework of the guild organization was under the control of the kadi and the muhtesib. For example a craft guilds and a creditor guilds.  


Author(s):  
Akhmadjon Kholikulov ◽  
◽  
Ozodbek Nematovich Nematov ◽  

Information on political relations between the government of the Emirate of Bukhara and the principalities of the Kashkadarya oasis in the early XIX-XX centuries is reflected in the works of local historians and Russian tourists, diplomats, the military. Local historians such as Muhammad Mirolim Bukhari, Muhammad Siddiq, Mirzo Abdulazim Somi, Mushrif Bukhari, Ahmad Donish, Mirzo Salimbek, who lived and worked during this period, were government officials and dedicated their works to the reigns of the Mangit emirs.


Author(s):  
Blerina Rexha

Historical works produced by Kosovars are currently at the centre of diplomatic concerns. Today Turkey is one of Kosovo’s closest allies, but Turkish scholars and government officials are particularly critical of the way the history of the Ottoman Empire is being taught in Kosovo’s schools. In this article I consider how Pan-Slavic ideologies have influenced the writing of Kosovar Albanian histories, particularly during theYugoslav socialist era. I draw on research concerning the relationship between bias in historical textbooks and international conflict. Exploring examples of historical literature currently being taught in Kosovo’s primary and secondary schools, I analyse the discourses espoused by Kosovar historians in depicting the history of the Ottoman Empire. I argue that some of the Turkish criticisms are valid and hence there is need to revise historical texts used in Kosovo’s schools. In particular, there is a need to provide more objective accounts of Kosovar Albanian history in classrooms, especially as regards anti-Ottomanism and the Pan-Slavism. The amendment of Kosovar historical texts in schools would not only provide students with a more accurate and informed interpretation of the past, but also contribute to efforts seeking to improve diplomatic relations.


2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Hicks ◽  
Suzanne C. Tough ◽  
David Johnston ◽  
Jodi Siever ◽  
Margaret Clarke ◽  
...  

Hicks, M., Tough, S., Johnston, D., Siever, J., Clarke, M., Sauve, R., Brant, R., & Lyon, A. (2014). T-ACE and predictors of self-reported alcohol use during pregnancy in a large, population-based urban cohort. The International Journal Of Alcohol And Drug Research, 3(1), 51-61. doi:10.7895/ijadr.v3i1.117Aims: To determine 1) the relationship between T-ACE score and maternal self-reported alcohol use prior to and during pregnancy, and 2) the relationship between T-ACE score and maternal demographics, mental health and life circumstances.Design: Prospective, population-based cohort study.Setting: Three urban maternity clinics in Calgary, Canada.Participants: 1,929 pregnant women attended by family physicians at low-risk maternity clinics.Measures: Women completed three standardized questionnaires over the telephone in the first and third trimesters and eight weeks post-delivery, including the T-ACE and questions about drug and alcohol use, demographics, mental health and life circumstances.Findings: 43.6% of subjects had a positive T-ACE score at intake (score 2 or greater). A positive T-ACE score was predictive of alcohol use throughout pregnancy, although most women reported no alcohol after the first trimester (93.1%). Multivariate analysis indicated that a positive T-ACE score was significantly associated with being less than 30 years of age; being Caucasian; smoking during pregnancy; having an income of less than $80,000 per annum; having a history of depression; having a history of alcohol use and binge drinking during a previous pregnancy; lower social support; and poor network orientation.Conclusions: There was a positive association between the T-ACE score and maternal self-report of alcohol use, poor mental health and poor social support. Routine use of the T-ACE to assess for risk of an alcohol-exposed pregnancy may also help identify women with complex needs who could benefit from additional prenatal support.


2000 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 454-486 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Silvestri

A recent article in the Calcutta magazine Desh outlined the exploits of a revolutionary fighting for “national freedom” against the British Empire. The article related how, during wartime, this revolutionary traveled secretly to secure the aid of Britain's enemies in starting a rebellion in his country. His mission failed, but this “selfless patriot” gained immortality as a nationalist hero. For an Indian—and particularly a Bengali—audience, the logical protagonist of this story would be the Bengali nationalist leader Subhas Chandra Bose. Bose, the former president of the Indian National Congress, assumed the leadership of the Indian National Army with the support of the Japanese imperial government during the Second World War in the hopes of freeing India from British rule. The subject of the story, however, was not Bose, but the United Irishmen leader Theobald Wolfe Tone and his efforts in 1796 to secure assistance for an Irish rebellion from the government of Revolutionary France. The article went on to narrate how Ireland had been held in the “grip of imperialism” for an even longer period of time than India and concluded that the Irish and Indian nationalist movements were linked by a history of rebellion against British rule.As the Desh article illustrates, the popular image of the relationship between Ireland and India within the British Empire has been that of two subject peoples striving for national freedom. This linkage of Irish and Indian history has had particular resonance in Bengal.


2010 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurens Bakker ◽  
Sandra Moniaga

AbstractIn this article we look at rights discourses and law as an arena of struggle in which local people attempt to gain and secure access to localities of value. Following administrative decentralisation in 1999, throughout Indonesia, individuals and communities lodged land claims. To support these claims, multiple sources of legitimation were used. Among others: customary rights; a history of using the land; or official land law. We focus on the interaction between these groups and the government officials whose authority is required to grant access. We look at conflicts, as well as alliances, in nine different settings and discern three basic constellations through which legitimation is sought: (1) national state institutions; (2) regional autonomy opportunities; and (3) extra-legal arrangements. We find that the lowest levels of government offer the best chances of success but that security increases with higher levels of ratification. We show that broad alliances present an efficient strategy to gain rights to land and that it is vital for local communities to include government bodies, or capture official law’s agency.


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