scholarly journals Post-Symbolic Images in Platform Capitalism

Author(s):  
Luca Serafini

Platform capitalism brings several processes to completion that were already apparent during post-industrial capitalism. One of these involves images and their gradual loss of a symbolic dimension. The mechanisms that platforms employ to direct the production of media content reduce images to objects of immediate use and consumption. Consequently, images fail to synthetise the multiplicity of the social reality: instead of inscribing it within a horizon of meaning, they simply reflect it. This article reconstructs the “de-symbolising” process of images during the various phases of capitalism and explains why a post-symbolic aesthetics should also be viewed as “impolitical”. If the political is indeed symbolic, since the giving of meaning and direction to society (a political task par excellence) also takes place through the construction of symbolic systems, the post-symbolic aesthetic is instead imposed by platforms for purely economic reasons.

Author(s):  
Christian Gilliam

Christian Gilliam argues that a philosophy of ‘pure’ immanence is integral to the development of an alternative understanding of ‘the political’; one that re-orients our understanding of the self toward the concept of an unconscious or ‘micropolitical’ life of desire. He argues that here, in this ‘life’, is where the power relations integral to the continuation of post-industrial capitalism are most present and most at stake. Through proving its philosophical context, lineage and political import, Gilliam ultimately justifies the conceptual necessity of immanence in understanding politics and resistance, thereby challenging the claim that ontologies of ‘pure’ immanence are either apolitical or politically incoherent.


10.12737/1253 ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (5) ◽  
pp. 58-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Троицкая ◽  
Tatyana Troitskaya

The paper dwells upon the pragmatics of the political PR-text in the communicative environment of the Internet, the main advantages of which are multimedia and hypertextuality. Skillful constructing of the social reality in PR-discourse directs addressee’s perception in the proper way. The author analyses discursive strategies of presentation and politicians’ selfpresentation, his opponents’ discredit on the basis of German pre-elective PR-texts; singles out and describes addressee’s persuasive tactics and their linguistic realization.


1970 ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ibrahim Taha

The discussion of the four categories of ending and closure in modern Arabic literature in terms of openness and closedness clearly indicates the interrelations between the ending and the model of the textual reality, and the interrelations between this model and the extra-literary reality. It seems that when the historical, and especially the political and the social reality slaps writers across the face and stands before them in all its might and immediacy, they do not remain indifferent and write a literature with optimistic, promising, and closed endings; and vice versa: a text with a model of reality which does not relate to a well defined piece of history ends with a more open type of ending and becomes a closure in the reader.


Hypatia ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy J. Holland

This paper reconsiders Marcuse's Eros and Civilization from the perspective of Gayle Rubin's classic article “The Traffic in Women.” The primary goals of this comparison are to investigate the social and psychological mechanisms that perpetuate the archaic sex/gender system Rubin describes under current conditions of post-industrial capitalism; to open possible new avenues of analysis and liberatory praxis based on these authors’ applications of Marxist insights to cultural interpretations of Freud's writings; and to make clearer the role sexual repression continues to play in all forms of oppression, even in a public world seemingly saturated with sex.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-181
Author(s):  
Valdemaras Klumbys

This article presents an analysis of Soviet law on the family which was valid in Lithuania from 1940, in order to ascertain how it reflected gender equality, how (or if ) it was formed, the legal measures the state harnessed in order to create family and gender relation models in various areas of life, and what kind of family and gender policy formed as a result. The law is contextualised in this paper by immersing it in the social reality of its time. This allows us to determine what norms and provisions determined the political and legal resolutions of the Soviet authorities, and to discuss their influence on society. The two most important periods in Soviet gender policy are distinguished. Initially revolutionary and radical in Lithuania, with the aim of changing society to realise its goals, after the 1950s, state policy became more reactive, and adapted to the changed, modernised society and its needs. This paper proposes to see changes to women’s situation during the Soviet period not as emancipation, but as (double) mobilisation. The reasons for the stagnation in masculinity in Soviet law and policy, for not keeping up with or adapting to the rapidly changing social reality, are also analysed. The contradictions in Soviet policy regarding the family and gender are shown, where it proved impossible to unambiguously apply ‘conservative-liberal’ or ‘traditional- liberal’ distinctions in both policy and reality.


2018 ◽  
pp. 305-323
Author(s):  
Guillermo Otano Jiménez

The Social Teaching of the Church has a long and rich history which started in the middle of the nineteenth century, in a time characterised by the rise of industrial capitalism and the need to address the “social question” in most European societies. Since the very beginning it was understood by many as an attempt to interpret the idea of social justice through the prism of Catholic religion. However, an interpretation of this kind is not a theoretical exercise that can be detached from social reality, but a reflection on social reality that focuses the attention on the worldly life of those who suffer the injustice. In this sense, the doctrinal body of the Church is alive and constantly evolving to adapt the teachings of the Gospel to the “signs of time”.


ARISTO ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kokom Komariah ◽  
Dede Sri Kartini

Social media nowadays has been crutial part of human being life particularly for the genarations those are so called millenial. The massive use of social media is not merely functioned for the social purpose such as information sharing among them but also has been used for business and economic or even political purposes. The local election of the Jawa Barat province in the year of 2018 is a moment where the millineal generation functioned the social media such as facebook and whattsap for the political purposes. This article discusses the phenomenon of using internet-based social media as an instrument in political communication and campaigning in the local election of West Java Province in 2018 as well as discussing the effectiveness of the media contents in shaping the pattern of millennial generation political behavior. The research adopts is qualitative approach by taking the object of research on political communication, as well as culture and political behavior. The main informants from this study were beginner voters who also catogerisaed as the group of the millennial generation. This study found that social media contents in general became an important instrument in shaping the pattern of political behavior of the millennial generation. The roles of the media for instance are indicated that current life of the millennial generation that cannot be separated from such media, social media contents provides political knowledges about profiles of candidates in local election, social media content provided political education both related to the technical implementation of the election and also the vision and mission of the candidates and, millennial generation have their respective communities which they make as a forum for discussion about the social media contents.


Author(s):  
Christian Gilliam

Taken together, the four thinkers of ‘pure’ immanence offer a new take on ethicality, political analysis and political practice; moving the centre of gravity of analysis and action away from the political traid, toward a subjectivity-without-a-subject, one where we no longer look for a transcendent Outside or rupture in/of immanence to ground resistance in spite of our condition (i.e. dialectical excess), but rather work through our condition and its entangled lines of immanence and ‘three’ folds of disjuncture, through an affirmative ethics of self-experimentation. When read within a contemporary setting and so within the context of post-industrial capitalism, it offers a unique critique of it, bested in its refreshing radicality only by its accompanying a-systematic (as opposed to anti-system, i.e. dialectical materialism) political praxis. A praxis that, very much in the vein of Gramsci’s ‘passive revolution’, urges us to work throughcapitalism, in order to truly overcome it strictures and all that relates to it. What some might view as a self-indulgent Renaissance bourgeois concern of playing with one’s sense of self outside of politics, is in fact actually the site where the political is most at stake. Politics begins here.


2017 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Hoover Wilson ◽  
Julie Y. Huang

AbstractThis commentary places Jussim (2012) in dialogue with sociological perspectives on social reality and the political-academic nature of scientific paradigms. Specifically, we highlight how institutions, observers, and what is being observed intersect, and discuss the implications of this intersection on measurement within the social world. We then identify similarities between Jussim's specific narrative regarding social perception research, with noted patterns of scientific change.


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