scholarly journals The Arab Spring Crisis and the Democratic Trend in Jordan

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 98
Author(s):  
Fawzi Ahmad Tayem ◽  
Radwan Mahmoud Al-Majali ◽  
Saddah Ahmad Al-Habashnah
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Economic Security ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Stability ◽  
Main Hypothesis ◽  
Negative Factor ◽  
Effective Role ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Arab Spring

The study aims at pin-pointing the effect of the Arab Spring as one of the external factors, that affected the Jordanian political regime during the period(2011-2017) at the different political, economic, security and social levels and concentrate on its effect on the democratic structure in Jordan , and how to reinforce indicators of democratic trend in Jordan. Where the study refuged to use the method of analyzing systems to test the main hypothesis of study in considering the external factor play an effective role either negative, or positive in enhancing indicators of the state democratic trend.The study deduced a result states that the Arab Spring formed a positive and negative factor in the democratic trend in Jordan, from part of the influence of the political instability in reinforcing the political will for the Jordanian decision-maker in the dedication of reform indicators and democratic trend, and in return the precariousness’s of the Arab Spring formed a negative factor in increasing problems of the political, economic, and social structures, the thing that formed an obstacle in front of reform and democratic trend. Also the study recommended with the necessity of concern about the other indicators and reinforcing the effectiveness of associations of the civil community, and respect of human rights, the economic development, the political and social stability, and culture and democratic practice.

The Society of the Digital Swarm

2019 ◽  
pp. 95-110
Author(s):  
Daniel Toscano López
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Digital Communication ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Reality Principle ◽  
The Way

This chapter seeks to show how the society of the digital swarm we live in has changed the way individuals behave to the point that we have become Homo digitalis. These changes occur with information privatization, meaning that not only are we passive consumers, but we are also producers and issuers of digital communication. The overarching argument of this reflection is the disappearance of the “reality principle” in the political, economic, and social spheres. This text highlights that the loss of the reality principle is the effect of microblogging as a digital practice, the uses of which can either impoverish the space of people's experience to undermine the public space or achieve the mobilization of citizens against of the censorship of the traditional means of communication by authoritarian political regimes, such as the case of the Arab Spring in 2011.

The Study of Democratization and the Arab Spring

2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amel Ahmed ◽  
Giovanni Capoccia
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
The Political ◽  
North African ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Mena Region ◽  
North African Countries ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Arab Spring

This paper proposes and illustrates a framework for analysis of the recent events in Middle Eastern and North African countries (the so-called Arab Spring) by bringing into dialogue recent theoretical advances in democratization theory with the comparative-historical literature on the political development of the MENA region. We advocate two analytical shifts from conventional approaches in the analysis of the Arab Spring: first, reconsider the temporalities of democratization processes; second, focus on struggles over specific institutional arenas rather than over the regime as a whole. The former recommendation draws attention both to the strategies used by key actors in the political, economic, and civil society spheres, and to the historical legacies that built the influence and resources of these actors over time. The latter allows us to consider the institutional safeguards for old elites that are likely to be included in the post-authoritarian regimes emerging in the region. Even though some of these safeguards are clearly anti-democratic, historical examples show that they do not necessarily preclude democratization. Indeed, in some cases, their introduction might be necessary to achieve democratic openings in other arenas. We illustrate these theoretical points with reference to the case of Egypt.

Cracking national integration after the events (the Arab Spring) and its impact On regional stability

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Muhannad Al Janabi Al Janabi
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Prominent Feature ◽  
Regional Stability ◽  
National Integration ◽  
Arab Region ◽  
Political Media ◽  
The Stability ◽  
The Arab Spring

Since late 2010 and early 2011, the Arab region has witnessed mass protests in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen, Iraq, Bahrain and other countries that have been referred to in the political, media and other literature as the Arab Spring. These movements have had a profound effect on the stability of the regimes Which took place against it, as leaders took off and contributed to radical reforms in party structures and public freedoms and the transfer of power, but it also contributed to the occurrence of many countries in an internal spiral, which led to the erosion of the state from the inside until it became a prominent feature of the Arab) as is the case in Syria, Libya, Yemen and Iraq.

scholarly journals KONSEPSI KEAGAMAAN DAN KEPEMIMPINAN SUNNI VS SYIAH

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-32
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
The Political ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Legal Requirements ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Arab Spring

This article is a literature study that aims to trace the literature to be able to understand the concepts of religion and leadership of Sunni vs. Shiite which has often been the subject of discussion among world academics. The problems that arise among Sunnis and Shiites are not only present on the political side, but also on the concepts of religion and leadership which also become polemic. Like the Arab Spring incident which resulted in the collapse of the power of Muammar Qadafy in Libya and Ben Ali in Tunisia, Sunni and Shia relations were also colored by differences. The conclusion of this article then shows that both Sunni and Shi'a agree that the existence of a Khilafah / Imamat government is an obligation in the lives of Muslims. Regarding the form of khilafah or government, Sunni scholars tend to be represented by Imam al-Mawardi, al-Ghazali and Ibn Kholdun tend to be accommodating towards the models of government that are carried out in the principles of deliberation both kingdom and democracy. In the Shi'ite leadership doctrine, leadership is absolute and the legal requirements of one's faith and leadership is limited to imams who are descendants of Imam Ali ibn Abi Talib, but while waiting for the presence of the "supernatural" imams, the enforcement of Islamic government is absolutely carried out by the Mullahs.

Israel in the Middle East the Aftermath of the Arab Spring (2010-2017)

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-36
Author(s):  
Eyal Zisser
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sense Of Security ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Arab Spring

This article describes how in the middle of the winter of 2010 the “Spring of the Arab Nations” suddenly erupted without any warning all over the Middle East. However, the momentum of the uprisings was impeded rather quickly, and the hopes held out for the “Spring of the Arab Nations” turned into frustration and disappointment. While many Israelis were focusing their attention in surprise, and some, with doubt and concern as well about what was happening in the region around them; suddenly, in Israel itself, at the height of the steamy summer of 2011, an “Israeli Spring” broke out. The protesters were young Israelis belonging to the Israeli middle class. Their demands revolved around the slogan, “Let us live in our land.” However, similar to what happened in the Arab world, the Israeli protest subsided little by little. The hassles of daily life and security and foreign affairs concerns once more became the focus of the public's attention. Therefore, the protesters' hopes were disappointed, and Israel's political, economic, and social order remained unshaken. Thus, towards the end of 2017, the memory of the “Israeli spring” was becoming faded and forgotten. However, while the Arab world was sinking into chaos marked by an ever deepening economic and social crisis that deprived its citizens of any sense of security and stability, Israel, by contrast, was experiencing years of stability in both political and security spheres, as well as economic growth and prosperity. This stability enabled Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his Likud party to remain in power and to maintain the political and social status-quo in Israel.

scholarly journals THE SPRING OF THE NETWORKED NATIONS: SOCIAL MEDIA AND THE ARAB SPRING

2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harel Chorev
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
The Political ◽  
Global Trends ◽  
The Arab Spring

This essay argues that social media played an important role in the Arab Spring and contributed to a change in the political culture of some of those countries that have gone through regime-change through 2011-2012. The article further posits that the contribution of social media was mainly instrumental, not causal, and that the main reasons behind the Arab Spring were problems generated by regional, local and global trends, affecting each country differently.  

BELARUS BETWEEN RUSSIA AND THE WEST: TO THE PROSPECTS OF BILATERAL TIES IN THE CONTEXT OF THE UKRAINIAN CRISIS

2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 107-114
Author(s):  
Лаптева ◽  
Yuliya Lapteva ◽  
Слинько ◽  
Aleksandr Slinko ◽  
Узилевский ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Downturn ◽  
The West ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Negative Factor ◽  
Bilateral Cooperation ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis

The article analyzes some problems affecting the prospects of Russian-Belarusian relations in the context of the Ukrainian crisis. The current international situation also affects the range of possibilities of transformation of the political regime in Belarus. The article analyzes some positions of Western scholars, providing differing views on the nature of the conflict between Russia and the West, as well as the proposed approaches to the development of relations between the West and Belarus. The analysis allows to define the Russian interests in the development of relations with Belarus more clearly. Currently, among the factors that negatively affect the prospects of bilateral relations the authors point out the economic downturn in Russia, deep structural crisis of the Belarusian economy, the objective shortcomings of existing integration institutions. A significant negative factor is the fact that the Ukrainian crisis contributes to the politicization of issues of bilateral cooperation, which introduces complexity in the formation of stable partnerships.

Assessing (In)security after the Arab Spring

2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (04) ◽  
pp. 709-715 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Gledhill
Keyword(s):  
North Africa ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Economic Security ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Security Services ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Collective Attention ◽  
The Arab Spring

More than two years after the heady days of protest and uprising that characterized the Arab Spring, the glow of revolution has given way to the intricacies and complications of regime building. Coalitions are being formed, constitutions written, judiciaries vetted, and security services (re)built. As collective attention focuses on these complexities of regime restructuring, it is worth noting that a fundamental security paradox sits at the heart of transitions in the Middle East and North Africa. On one hand, individuals who hit the streets or battlefields in support of revolution in 2011 did so in the belief that a new form of government would improve their political, social, and economic security over the long term. On the other hand, subsequent (and ongoing) efforts to draft new rules of the political game have triggered internal conflicts and, on occasion, those conflicts have compromised citizens' physical security over the short term.

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