scholarly journals The Minimum Wage as Method of Alleviating Poverty: Current Practices versus Alternative Policy and Legal Resolutions

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 14
Author(s):  
Yuyang Li ◽  
Jie Zhang ◽  
Xinxin Deng

Poverty is a social issue that impacts much of the world, including the United States. Oftentimes, proponents of the minimum wage argue that a higher minimum wage would help alleviate poverty in the country. Whether or not there will be impacts, or how significant the impact will be, is a subject of debate. The paper first analyzes arguments in support of using the minimum wage to reduce poverty in the US. Then, arguments against the current minimum wage are presented. Discussion regarding alternatives or alterations to the current minimum wage is raised at the end of the paper that would provide a more sustainable and legally sound public policy choice. This includes an analysis of the current minimum wage policies in the city of Philadelphia as example.

2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (11) ◽  
pp. 31-37
Author(s):  
N. Arbatova

The Euro-Atlantic relations after the end of the Cold war have been strongly influenced by the impact of three interrelated crises: the existential crisis of NATO, the world economic and financial crisis, and the crisis in the Russia-West relations. The end of bipolarity has changed the threat environment and revealed how different alliance members formulate their threat perception and foreign policy interests. Europe stopped to be the US foreign policy priority. The US pivot to Asia has raised European concerns about American commitments to collective defense. The removal of the threat of a global conflict resulted in the EU initiatives aimed at promoting integration in the field of common security and defense policy (CSDP). Even though the US has officially welcomed a stronger European pillar in NATO, it has become concerned about new approaches that could divide transatlantic partnership and take resources away from military cooperation. At the same time the unilateralist preferences of the Bush administration generated deep political divisions between the United States and the European Union. The world economic and financial crisis contributed to a dangerous gulf between American and European defense spending. The US has complained about the tendency of the alliance’s European members to skimp on defense spending and take advantage of America’s security shield to free ride. In the absence of a clear external threat NATO tried to draft new missions, which were found in NATO’s expansion to the post-Communist space and Alliance’s out of area operations. But these new missions could not answer the main question about NATO’s post-bipolar identity. Moreover, the Kosovo operation of NATO in 1999 fueled Russia’s concerns about NATO’s intentions in the post-Soviet space. The creeping crisis in the Russia-West relations resulted in the Caucasus and Ukrainian conflicts that provided kind of glue to transatlantic relations but did not return them to the old pattern. There can be several representing possible futures lying ahead. But under any scenario EU will be faced with a necessity to shoulder more of the burden of their own security.


Author(s):  
Caroline Janssen ◽  
William Barbour ◽  
Erin Hafkenschiel ◽  
Mark Abkowitz ◽  
Craig Philip ◽  
...  

This paper presents a micromobility scooter policy comparison between 10 mid-sized peer cities with respect to 12 policy dimensions. Because of the evolutionary nature of the policy, a temporal analysis of policy dimensions is required, which we conduct and present in this work. The impact of these individual policies reaches across the city itself, the operating company, and the mobility user—all of which are assessed throughout this work. Many of these policy dimensions are acute pain points for cities, such as fleet caps, permitting fees, and equity requirements. In the temporal analysis, some dimensions show not just happenstance variability in attempts to manage forms of micromobility, but appreciable trends. Approximately 1 year after the deployment of dockless electric scooters in cities throughout the United States and the world, cities have made multiple attempts at regulations and legislation to handle the new mobility mode. Throughout this time, cities have agreed from the start in some aspects of policy such as device removal, safety, speed limit, and bonds. In other dimensions, such as fleet expansion plans, equity regulations, and parking requirements, cities see directed movement over time toward a convergence point.


Author(s):  
Olha Y. Kravchuk ◽  
Volodymyr I. Zabolotnyuk ◽  
Yuliia V. Kobets ◽  
Oksana I. Lypchuk ◽  
Ivanna I. Lomaka

The article examines the impact of the coalition approach in US policy on integration processes in Europe in the post-bipolar era. The aim of this article was to identify the peculiarities of the political situation in the world after a period of escalation of the nuclear conflict. It involved an analysis of sources in the field of coalition approach research in the United States, as well as a comparison of its impact on the political situation and European Union law. The author concluded that there is a lack of proper research in the field of the impact of the coalition approach in US policy in the post-bipolar era, and its impact on integration processes in Europe. Comparing the experience of the EU and the US, it was determined that the awareness of nuclear danger affected the development of a coalition approach in US policy. The study resulted in the identified specifics of the EU’s security policy under the influence of the US coalition approach, where the need to ensure stability and armed security is crucial. Prospects for further research include identifying US influence on Eastern countries.


Author(s):  
O. V. Zhuravliov ◽  
О. М. Simachova

The US economy is one of the richest and most diversified economies in the world and keeps its leadership in the global economy for the past 100 years. The United States is a global leader in computer technology, pharmaceuticals and the manufacture of medical, aerospace and military equipment. And although services make up about 80% of GDP, the US remains the second largest producer of industrial goods in the world and is a leader in research and development. President Donald Trump was elected in November 2016, promising a big gap with his predecessor’s regulatory, tax and trade policies. Therefore, the current socio-economic status of the USA and the possible ways of its development in the future are interesting for studying the impact on other economies, in particular, on the Ukrainian economy and the search for new and optimal ways of developing relations between the United States and Ukraine. Key macroeconomic indicators of the US economy in 2011–2018 are analyzed, demonstrating the influence of Donald Tramp’s new policy on changes in the indicators of the economy, the labor market, trade, etc., as well as possible ways of development in the coming years. The review of key macroeconomic indicators gives grounds for classifying the American economy as healthy one. Rates of GDP growth will remain in the range of 2 to 3%. These rates of growth in the world’s largest economy are callable to ensure a substantial increase in the global activity. But uncertainties in the politics may hinder global growth and have clearly negative impact on the investment growth in developed and developing economies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Pengzhi Yin ◽  
Jiasi Peng

The presidential election of art and industry: the contest between Trump and Biden has been staged. They have different tax, minimum wage, energy, technology, trade and other strategies, which will inevitably have an impact on the economy of the United States and China. Our team chose this mathematician modeling project to scientifically evaluate the impact of the new president of the United States on the economy of the two countries, and put forward our coping strategies.


Communication ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Gómez García ◽  
Ben Birkinbine

The theory of cultural imperialism has its roots in critical communication scholarship and was used to describe the growing influence of the United States and its commercial media system around the world, specifically in the context of the Cold War, after the Second World War, when the United States and the Soviet Union were attempting to compel and persuade other countries to adopt their respective socioeconomic systems. The theory specifically focused on the ways in which US culture was being spread to and sometimes imposed upon developing nations by US communications and media corporations, by specific media products and their imagery and messages, and by the expansion of the private model of the media system. The critical edge to the theory was its staunch criticism of the strategies and tactics used by the United States in this regard and how the US communications and media system expanded and maintained the asymmetrical economic, political, and cultural power relations between the United States and other countries in the world system. Correspondingly, the theory was also used as a basis for arguing that those people who were subjected to cultural imperialism ought to be granted the right to develop their own sovereign national media systems. The struggle to develop those systems occurred within the context of national liberation struggles against the remnants of Western territorial colonialism and the new de-territorialized imperialism of both the US and Soviet empires. However, the theory was challenged on at least a couple different fronts. The first challenge came from cultural studies researchers who questioned the total homogenizing influences of mass-produced media content on audiences. Drawing from ethnographic and reception studies of audiences, these researchers demonstrated how American media influence was rarely as totalizing and complete as the cultural imperialism theory suggested. Rather, such commercial images and messages were also subject to local adaptation, indigenization and resistance and therefore not always influencing of audiences. A second line of critique focused more on the national economic and political structure of non-US media systems and whether those systems were directly influenced by the United States. Scholars within this area focused on ownership patterns and the structures of media systems, including the impact of dominant, far-reaching systems of government influence and industrial media production that establish prevalent media models or channels. In addition, these scholars focused on whether such systems enable or constrain alternative media forms and functions, and the degree to which they set routine parameters for discourse, thereby shaping the sociocultural norms that media tend to promote and the political and economic interests they routinely serve. Over time, these criticisms of the cultural imperialism thesis have been re-integrated within it, further strengthening its analytical value. Some scholars have sought to revise the theory by incorporating some of the criticisms, while others have tried to reemphasize the value of the original theory. Indeed, the theory’s utility continues to be debated, particularly in light of historical changes and other emergent trends that have reshaped the geopolitical economy of the global communication system. In addition to these ongoing debates, the theory has also shown dynamism in the way that it has been applied across various academic fields in the social sciences and the humanities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
pp. 154-177
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The paper considers the assessment of the influence of the Latin American component of the policy of the states of the strategic triangle "Russia-China-USA" on the national security of these countries. An approach to comparing the impact of the component is proposed, which makes it possible to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in Latin America and other regions of the world. The results of the work can be used to justify recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 56-65
Author(s):  
O. V. Ignatova ◽  
O. A. Gorbunova

The article is devoted to one of the urgent problems of the world economy: the trade opposition of the United States and China. Due to the fact that these countries occur to be the largest economies in the world, their conflict cannot in one way or another be reflected in other subjects of international economic relations. The article analyzes the main stages of the trade war between the United States and China and formulates the causes of the crisis.On the basis of a regional approach and analysis of statistical data it became possible to make an assessment of the effects that the US-PRC rivalry has on mutual trade, investment and energy cooperation between Russia and China. It is noted that in connection with the trade conflict, Russian-Chinese relations are reaching a new level of development, the number of joint economic projects is growing. However, the confrontation between the United States and China brings not only opportunities, but also risks for Russia. The authors make a forecast about the impact of the trade war on the economy of the Russian Federation in the short and medium term.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Olga V. Ignatova ◽  
Olga A. Gorbunova ◽  
Olga Yu. Tereshina ◽  
◽  
◽  
...  

The article is devoted to one of the urgent problems of the world economy: the trade opposition of the United States and China. Due to the fact that these countries occur to be the largest economies in the world, their conflict cannot in one way or another be reflected in other subjects of international economic relations. The article analyzes the main stages of the trade war between the United States and China and formulates the causes of the crisis. On the basis of a regional approach and analysis of statistical data, it became possible to make an assessment of the effects that the US–PRC rivalry has on mutual trade, investment, and energy cooperation between Russia and China. It is noted that in connection with the trade conflict, Russian–Chinese relations are reaching a new level of development, and the number of joint economic projects is growing. However, the confrontation between the United States and China brings not only opportunities but also risks for Russia. The authors make a forecast about the impact of the trade war on the economy of the Russian Federation in the short and medium term.


2011 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 417-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
DEJUN SU ◽  
OMAR A. ESQUEDA ◽  
LIFENG LI ◽  
JOSÉ A. PAGÁN

SummaryUsing recent pooled data from the World Health Organization Global Infobase and the World Factbook compiled by the Central Intelligence Agency of the United States, this study assesses the relation between income inequality and obesity prevalence among 31 OECD countries through a series of bivariate and multivariate linear regressions. The United States and Mexico well lead OECD countries in both obesity prevalence and income inequality. A sensitivity analysis suggests that the inclusion or exclusion of these two extreme cases can fundamentally change the findings. When the two countries are included, the results reveal a positive correlation between income inequality and obesity prevalence. This correlation is more salient among females than among males. Income inequality alone is associated with 16% and 35% of the variations in male and female obesity rates, respectively, across OECD countries in 2010. Higher levels of income inequality in the 2005–2010 period were associated with a more rapid increase in obesity prevalence from 2002 to 2010. These associations, however, virtually disappear when the US and Mexico have been excluded from the analysis. Findings from this study underscore the importance of assessing the impact of extreme cases on the relation between income inequality and health outcomes. The potential pathways from income inequality to the alarmingly high rates of obesity in the cases of the US and Mexico warrant further research.


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