The security strategy of the People’s Republic of China in light of the 2019 Defence White Paper

2020 ◽  
Vol 700 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-64
Author(s):  
Paweł Paszak
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
White Paper ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Security Strategy ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Balance Of Forces

This article aims to outline main directions of the security strategy of the People’s Republic of China basing on the analysis of the Defence White Paper of July 2019, the political practice of the Beijing authorities as well as internal and international situation. Having analysed the above mentioned areas, the author concludes that the contemporary strategy of the PRC is internally subordinated to maintaining territorial, political and social integrity, including primarily legitimization of the power of the Communist Party of China. Externally, the strategy is oriented at reversing the unfavourable balance of forces in the Asia-Pacific region and weakening of the US military advantage. Those two directions determine the activities of the Chinese state in such specific areas as: modernization of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), the relations with Taiwan and claims concerning South China Sea. The Defence White Paper is aimed at contrasting the unilateral and hegemonic policy of the United States (as the authors of the document see it) with the defensive and moderate activities of China. The narration serves to convince international players to remain neutral or engage in collaboration with China in the face of intensifying military, economic and political pressure on the part of the USA. China has entered a “critical moment” of its development and the response of the Beijing authorities to the challenges of internal development and external pressures will determine whether in the 21st century it will become a superpower.

scholarly journals The United States-China Mutually Assured Distrust

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Jalel Ben Haj Rehaiem
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
East Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
Military Force ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
President Obama ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Rising Power

The 21st century geopolitical developments in East Asia have placed the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in aprime position to play a major role in the complexities of Asia-Pacific politics. China is a rising power, but whetherit is going to be a status quo power or a challenging one remains to be seen. With the world’s largest population, theworld second economy and a modernizing military force, China theoretically has room to have a say in the revisionof the security order in East Asia, which has been dominated so far by an already controversial Cold War alliancebetween the United States and Japan and a new American pivot to Asia since former President Obama announced hisnew Asia strategy in Canberra in November 2011.As China’s prowess grows, so do percolating challenges to U.S. prominence in the region. The gap between whatChina intends to do with accumulating power and how it is perceived in Asia and the West alike has created whatthis article calls China’s trust dilemma with the United States.The distrust between Beijing and Washington has ostensibly plagued their relationship and may continue to dominatetheir interaction for the unforeseeable future; an interaction between an already established world hegemon and arising regional player that is allegedly aspiring to challenge and even replace its rival, at least in Asia for the timebeing.As this article seeks to study the implications of the rise of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) as a world powerand the trust dilemma China’s rising might is incurring, this work,in its attempt to fathom Beijing’s strategic intents,adopts the security dilemma framework whichrefers to a situation wherein two states may be drawn into conflict,possibly even war, over security concerns, even though none of them actually seeks confrontation.

The Foreign Policy of the USA Towards the PRC During Gerald Ford Presidency: 1974-1977

2019 ◽  
pp. 46-56
Author(s):  
Anatoliy V. Goncharenko ◽  
Lybov G. Polyakova
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
White House ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa

The article researches the US foreign policy towards the PRC during Gerald Ford presidency in 1974-1977. It describes the reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of the US foreign policy strategy in the Chinese direction during the investigated period. There was explored the practical realization of the “Pacific Doctrine”by Washington. The role of various groups in the American establishment in the question of the formation of the Chinese White House policy has been analyzed. The specific foreign policy actions of the administration of the US president Gerald Fordon the PRC in 1974-1977 are analyzed. The chief results of the foreign policy of the administration of the President of the United States Gerald Ford (1974-1977) concerning the PRC, which resulted from the real political steps taken by the leaders of both countries, was the establishment of systematic and reliable channels of bilateral ties, expansion of economic, scientific and cultural contacts, the beginning of a systematic exchange of views on the most important issues of international relations. In the second half of the 70’s of the twentieth century this dialogue ensured the continuity of China’s policy in Washington, which was based on the concept of a “balance of power”, while China played a complementary role in the foreign policy strategy of the White House. These factors formed the “Pacific Doctrine” of G. Ford, which gave Beijing the status of an American partner in maintaining a balance of power in the Asia-Pacific region and consolidated a positive assessment of the place and role of the People’s Republic of China in Asian politics in the United States of America. The return of American political thought to the ideas of the combination policy occurred in the formation of US-Soviet strategic parity and awareness of the ruling circles in the United States, due to the defeat in Vietnam, the limited resources of force influence on the international situation. Started in the United States the study of China’s behavior in the international arena and its power parameters made it possible then to draw a preliminary conclusion that the People’s Republic of China can fill the place of the missing link in the “triangle” of the global scheme – a place of counterweight to the USSR; this required the removal of a US-Chinese confrontation. However, the socio-political and ideological contradictions that were pushed to the foreground on the initial stage of the Chinese policy of the administration of G. Ford and the process of normalization of bilateral relations, again made themselves felt at a later stage. Their injection was promoted by the logic of the development of bilateral US-China relations, as well as by a number of internal objective and subjective reasons, as in the People’s Republic of China (a sharp increase in the struggle for power connected with the illness and death of Zhou Enlai and Mao Zedong), and in the United States (Gerald Ford made certain curtseys towards the American right-wing conservative forces and began to intensify approaches to Beijing and Moscow, and also the presidential campaign of 1976). Keywords: the USA, PRC, China, foreign policy, American-Chinese relations, “Pacific Doctrine”, Gerald Ford, Henry Kissinger , Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping.

LATIN AMERICAN POLICY COMPONENT OF THE USA, PRC AND RUSSIAN FEDERATION POLICY OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (6) ◽  
pp. 150-165
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Military

The paper considers the assessment of the influence of the Latin American component of the policy of the United States of America, the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on the national security of these countries. An approach is proposed to compare the influence of the Latin American component of the policy of the states of the strategic triangle Russia-China-USA, which allows us to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in Latin America and other regions of the world. The work can be used to justify recommendations to the military and political leadership of our country.

scholarly journals APEC: INDONESIA AS A BALANCER AMONG US-CHINA

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-71
Author(s):  
Adellia Monika
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Neoliberal Institutionalism

APEC is an international organization located in the Asia Pacific region. Its member countries are affiliated with the intention of not only developing the regional economy but also making the region stable, because the Asia Pacific region is a busy area visited by international community entities, from developed to developing countries. This research will discuss the role of Indonesia as a counterweight to the interests of the United States and the People's Republic of China, especially in the economic fields of which each country is incorporated in APEC. Because, we know the dominance of the policies issued by the United States and the People's Republic of China in recent years has been very influential both in the international and regional order. The method used is qualitative by conducting a literature study. The approach or theory used in analyzing the discussion is the Concept of Interdependence and Neoliberal Institutionalism. The purpose of this study is to examine the extent of Indonesia's role in efforts to create regional stability between two countries that have more power such as the United States and the People's Republic of China. The results of this study will outline the benefits, opportunities and challenges of Indonesia in APEC membership and its impact on its relationship with the United States and the People's Republic of China. Keywords: APEC, Interdependence, Neoliberal Institutionalism, Indonesia, United States, China   Abstrak APEC adalah salah satu organisasi internasional yang berada di kawasan Asia Pasifik. Negara-negara anggotanya tergabung dengan maksud tidak hanya mengembangkan ekonomi kawasan tapi juga menjadikan kawasan tersebut stabil, sebab kawasan Asia Pasifik merupakan kawasan yang ramai disinggahi para entitas masyarakat internasional, dari negara-negara maju hingga berkembang. Penelitian ini akan membahas mengenai peran Indonesia sebagai penyeimbang kepentingan Amerika Serikat dan Republik Rakyat Tiongkok, terutama di bidang ekonomi yang masing-masing negara tersebut tergabung dalam APEC. Sebab, kita ketahui dominasi dari adanya kebijakan yang dikeluarkan oleh Amerika Serikat dan Republik Rakyat Tiongkok beberapa tahun terakhir ini sangat berpengaruh baik di tatanan internasional maupun kawasan. Metode yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dengan melakukan studi literatur. Pendekatan atau teori yang digunakan dalam menganalisa pembahasan adalah Konsep Interdependensi dan Neoliberal Institusionalisme. Tujuan Penelitian ini adalah meninjau sejauh mana peran Indonesia dalam upaya menciptakan stabilitas kawasan di antara dua negara yang memiliki power lebih seperti Amerika Serikat dan Republik Rakyat Tiongkok. Hasil penelitian ini akan menguraikan manfaat, peluang dan tantangan Indonesia dalam keanggotaan APEC serta dampaknya terhadap hubungannya dengan Amerika Serikat dan Republik Rakyat Tiongkok. Kata Kunci: APEC, Interdependensi, Neoliberal Instutisionalisme, Indonesia, Amerika Serikat, Tiongkok

scholarly journals Relations Between Singapore and the People’s Republic of China in the Light of Donald Trump’s New Southeast Asia Policy

2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-148
Author(s):  
Mateusz Chatys
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Chinese Origin ◽  
Sphere Of Influence ◽  
The Impact

The aim of the article is to analyze the relationship between Singapore and the People’s Republic of China in the light of the current policy of the President of the United States Donald Trump. The point of reference for the presented analysis is the foreign policy of the former President Barack Obama, based on the strategy known as “pivot to Asia” – the strategic turnabout of the United States to the Asia-Pacific region. One of its main objectives was the signing of a multilateral agreement on the establishment of a free trade zone, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), bringing together 12 countries. The main subject of the present analysis is to examine the impact of Donald Trump’s decision of January 2017 to withdraw from the TPP trade agreement on the relations between the remaining signatories of the agreement, as well as to examine Beijing’s actions, which may seek to increase its sphere of influence in Asia through the breakdown of TPP. The main part of the research is focused on the triangle politics concept in international politics, which will include China, Singapore and the United States. Besides the two largest economic powers, Singapore is included because of its membership in the TPP and ASEAN, and due to its strong economy and its population (predominantly) of Chinese origin it can be viewed as the “fifth column” or may otherwise play a role in the Greater China concept.

scholarly journals Polityka bezpieczeństwa i obrony Australii w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku wobec wzrostu potęgi Chin

2019 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 221-244
Author(s):  
Łukasz Jureńczyk
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Structural Realism ◽  
Research Problem ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Main Research ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Defence Policy

The subject of the article is the security and defence policy of Australia in the 2010s in view of the rapidly growing power of the People’s Republic of China. The article analyses issues such as the potential, values, interests and threats of Australia; strategic dimension of Australia’s security and defence policy; Australia’s cooperation with the United States in the context of the rise of China; and Australia’s attitude towards China’s assertive actions in the Asia-Pacific. The aim of the article is to analyse and evaluate Australia’s security and defence policy towards the growing power of China. The main research problem is included in the question of whether Australia adequately and sufficiently responds to the increasing military potential of the Middle Kingdom. The thesis of the article assumes that while the directions of Australian policy are justified, its scale is insufficient. The most important elements in securing interests in the context of China’s growing power is increasing its own defence capabilities and deepening multi-faceted cooperation with allies and partners of the Pacific region. This must be accompanied by caring for the correctness of relations with China and efforts to reduce tensions between the People’s Republic of China and the United States. The article is based on the theory of structural realism of the defensive type. The article uses the method of source text analysis.

The Normalization of Sino-French Diplomatic Relations in 1964 and the Formation of the “One-China” Principle: Negotiations over Breaking French Diplomatic Relations with the Republic of China Government and the Recognition of the People’s Republic of China as the Sole Legitimate Government

2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 252-271
Author(s):  
Madoka Fukuda
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

AbstractThis article examines the substance and modification of the “One-China” principle, which the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) pursued in the mid 1960s. Under this principle, a country wishing to establish diplomatic relations with the PRC was required first to break off such relations with the Republic of China (ROC). In 1964 the PRC established diplomatic relations with France. This was its first ambassadorial exchange with a Western government. The PRC, in the negotiations over the establishment of diplomatic relations, attempted to achieve some consensus with France on the matter of “One-China”. The PRC, nevertheless, had to abandon these attempts, even though it demanded fewer conditions of France than of the United States (USA), Japan and other Western countries in the 1970s. The PRC had demanded adherence to the “One-China” principle since 1949. France, however, refused to accept this condition. Nevertheless, the PRC established diplomatic relations with France before the latter broke off relations with the ROC. Subsequently, the PRC abandoned the same condition in negotiations with the African governments of the Republic of Congo, Central Africa, Dahomey and Mauritania. After the negotiations with France, the PRC began to insist that the joint communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations should clearly state that “the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government of China”. However, France refused to insert these words into the communiqué. Afterwards, the PRC nevertheless insisted on putting such a statement into the joint communiqués or exchanges of notes on the establishment of diplomatic relations with the African countries mentioned above. This was done in order to set precedents for making countries accede to the “One-China” principle. The “One-China” principle was, thus, gradually formed in the process of the negotiation and bargaining between the PRC and other governments.

Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law

1997 ◽  
Vol 91 (3) ◽  
pp. 493-517
Author(s):  
Marian Nash (Leich)
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Hong Kong ◽  
Law Enforcement ◽  
International Law ◽  
The United States ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Government ◽  
Contemporary Practice

On March 3,1997, President William J. Clinton transmitted to the Senate for its advice and consent to ratification as a treaty the Agreement Between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of Hong Kong for the Surrender of Fugitive Offenders, signed at Hong Kong on December 20,1996. In his letter of transmittal, President Clinton pointed out that, upon its entry into force, the Agreement would “enhance cooperation between the law enforcement communities of the United States and Hong Kong, and … provide a framework and basic protections for extraditions after the reversion of Hong Kong to the sovereignty of the People’s Republic of China on July 1, 1997.” The President continued: Given the absence of an extradition treaty with the People’s Republic of China, this Treaty would provide the means to continue an extradition relationship with Hong Kong after reversion and avoid a gap in law enforcement. It will thereby make a significant contribution to international law enforcement efforts.The provisions of this Agreement follow generally the form and content of extradition treaties recently concluded by the United States. In addition, the Agreement contains several provisions specially designed in light of the particular status of Hong Kong. The Agreement’s basic protections for fugitives are also made expressly applicable to fugitives surrendered by the two parties before the new treaty enters into force.

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