Criteria and dilemmas concerning the valuation of domestic production in Poland

2017 ◽  
Vol 62 (7) ◽  
pp. 25-41
Author(s):  
Marta Marszałek

This article discusses the valuation of household production in the form of a Household Satellite Account. Monetary household calculation based on ”Time Use Survey 2013” was presented. In order to determine the value of household work, an input method was used, based on the amount of time spent on unpaid home-based household chores (providing and maintaining housing, meals and clothing as well as child and adult care or volunteering) and earning rates by occupation. The aim of the research was to indicate the size of non-market household production, which although not included in national accounts could provide information about i.a. the households level and quality of life as well as their contribution to the economy. On the basis of the analysis, non-market household production is five times higher than the market household production. Regular development of Household Satellite Account can fill the gap in statistics.

Author(s):  
Simona Jokubauskaitė ◽  
Alyssa Schneebaum

AbstractWe propose an improved method to assess the economic value of unpaid housework and childcare. Existing literature has typically assigned a minimum, generalist or specialist’s wage, or the performer’s opportunity cost to the hourly value of these activities. Then it was used to calculate macro-level value based on the number of hours spent in this work. In this paper, instead of imputing an average or minimum wage for housework and childcare to determine a value to the work, we use the actual local wage rate requested for these services from providers on online platforms. Applying this method to Austrian Time Use Survey data shows that the value of unpaid childcare and housework, had it been paid, would be equivalent to about 22% of the 2018 GDP.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19(34) (4) ◽  
pp. 69-79
Author(s):  
Beata Kolny

Population time budget is a juxtaposition of time periods provided for the implementation of life activities. These activities include food processing and meal preparation. The purpose of the article is to diagnose the amount of time spent by Poles on these activities. This topic is important because it affects everyone who satisfies the need for hunger. The amount of time allocated to the activities analyzed can be a basic measure of the level and quality of life of the population. Secondary data presented in the publication of the Central Statistical Office of Poland entitled „Time use survey 2013” and the results of own research conducted on a sample of 300 adult residents of Poland. Research shows that the average time spent on food processing is 1 hour and 10 minutes, preparing breakfast takes 10 minutes on average, lunch 45 minutes and dinner 15 minutes.


10.5085/405.1 ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Charles L. Baum ◽  
James D. Rodgers

Abstract Forensic economists in wrongful death cases are often asked to calculate the present value of household services a decedent otherwise would have provided. In this paper, we calculate the amount of time mothers allocate to provide household services on average by the age of the youngest child and by the number of children using 2003-2013 American Time Use Survey (ATUS) data. We separately examine household production and time caring and helping others. Our results show that mothers with younger children and more children generally allocate more time for household services. However, while maternal caring and helping time decreases with the age of the youngest child, maternal household production increases with the age of the youngest child. In contrast to other published sources, the information we provide will allow economists to adjust for the number of children, and to better adjust for the age of the youngest household child, when calculating the present value of lost household production in wrongful death cases involving deceased mothers.


2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (6) ◽  
pp. 789-813 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natasha Quadlin ◽  
Long Doan

How does place structure the gendered division of household labor? Because people’s living spaces and lifestyles differ dramatically across urban, suburban, and rural areas, it follows that time spent on household chores may vary across places. In cities, for example, many households do not have vehicles or lawns, and housing units tend to be relatively small. Urban men’s and women’s time use therefore provides insight into how partners contribute to household chores when there is less structural demand for the types of tasks they typically do. We examine these dynamics using data on heterosexual married individuals from the American Time Use Survey combined with the Current Population Survey. We find that urban men spend relatively little time on male-typed chores, but they spend the same amount of time on female-typed chores as their suburban and rural counterparts. This pattern suggests that urban men do not “step up” their involvement in female-typed tasks even though they contribute little in the way of other housework. In contrast, urbanicity rarely predicts women’s time use, implying that women spend considerable time on household chores regardless of where they live. Implications for research on gender and housework are discussed.


Author(s):  
Axel Schaffer ◽  
Carsten Stahmer

SummaryThe traditional Gross Domestic Product (GDP) reflects the money value of the annual economic output produced by the domestic industries’ employees. Thus, the GDP fully accounts for paid work. In contrast, unpaid work remains unconsidered. However, measured in time units, unpaid work clearly exceeds paid work. Therefore, societies rely likewise on paid and unpaid work. The study at hand identifies women’s and men’s volume of paid and unpaid work in time units and money values. For this purpose, German time use data are combined with the traditional monetary input-output table (IOT) for the year 2000 and its inverse matrix. While the IOT provides information about the industries’ direct and indirect contributions to traditional GDP, time use data determine the gender-specific paid and unpaid workload. Thus, women’s and men’s share in an extended GDP, defined as the sum of traditional GDP and household production, can be given.Finally the genders’ level of qualification is taken into account. This, in turn, allows for a more precise identification of the gender-specific quality of work.


2007 ◽  
Vol 42 (6) ◽  
pp. 809-820
Author(s):  
Salvatore F. Allegra ◽  
Barbara Baldazzi

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Shoshana Amyra Grossbard ◽  
Victoria Vernon

AbstractWe compare the allocation of time of native men and women married to immigrants against their counterparts in all-native couples using the American Time Use Survey for the years 2003–18. We find that when intermarried to a native man, immigrant women pay an assimilation price to the extent that, compared to native women in all-native marriages, they work longer hours at paid work, household chores, or both, while their husbands do no extra work. In some cases, they work for just an extra hour per day. Immigrant men do not pay such a price. Some work 34 min less at household chores than native men in all-native marriages, while the native women who marry immigrant men seem to pay a price related to their situation that would be in an all-native marriage. An explanation based on the operation of competitive marriage markets works for immigrant women, but not for immigrant men. Traditionally, gender-based privileges may allow immigrant men to prevent native women from getting a price for the value that intermarriage generates for their husbands. Such a “male dominance” scenario also helps explain why immigrant men married to native daughters of immigrants from the same region get more benefits from intermarriage than other immigrants.


2012 ◽  
Vol 102 (3) ◽  
pp. 606-611 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leslie S Stratton

Research on intrahousehold time allocations has assumed that housework is a necessary evil and focused exclusively on the causal role of opportunity costs. In fact, agents likely act to maximize happiness, and preferences regarding even mundane household chores differ considerably. I use information from the 2000-01 UK Time Use Survey to examine time spent on laundry, ironing, cleaning, and food shopping. Joint multivariate analysis of his and her time on weekend and weekday days as well as maid service reveals that her opportunity cost of time matters more than his, but that his preferences play a greater role than hers.


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