scholarly journals THE PROHIBITION OF THE MUSLIM HEADSCARF: CONTRASTING INTERNATIONAL APPROACHES IN POLICY AND LAW

2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 181-217
Author(s):  
Timothy Welch

Law and state policy towards the Muslim headscarf differs widely from country to country.1 Western states in which the wearing of the headscarf is, or has been, a contentious issue, tend to follow one of two broad theoretical approaches: assimilationalist or culturally pluralist, although rarely in a pure form. Often policy will be made up of one, whilst containing threads of the other.   This article will focus on the law and state policy predominantly in six countries where the headscarf issue has arisen, and where different political or legal approaches have been adopted, giving rise to different results or consequences. Often the veil debates in each country will give rise to the same broad issues. For example, integration, religious freedom, secularity and health and safety are all debated in respect of the Muslim headscarf. However, it is often the case that one issue will be more important or prevalent in one particular country than in another.  For example in the UK integration has been highlighted in the recent debates, but in the US the concerns rest with the concept of religious freedom, per se. In France and Turkey there has been a need to protect secularism, where the veil has been particularly attacked as a form of pressure by Muslims on others or else regarded as a symbol of the oppression of women. Bans on the headscarf have been attempted in Germany based on employment law and in Canada on health and safety grounds.  In other European countries concerns have centred on immigration issues or public security. State policy tends to be driven by various factors including the particular state’s historical makeup, immigration and demography, public opinion and political pressure, as well as the theoretical issues which underlie and inform the debate.

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 146-174
Author(s):  
Irina Starodubrovskaya ◽  

This article discusses theoretical issues behind the current shift in the policy of European states towards Islamic communities. The shift is driven by the idea that the values of political Islam are incompatible with Western values; that the main driver behind radicalization is ideology and that even non‑violent Islamists gradually prepare the Muslim youth to embracing violence. Based on current academic discussions as well as the results of the author’s own research, the author concludes that the opponents of these ideas have serious counter‑ arguments. In their views, radicalization can be explained by a wide range of different factors. Violent and non‑violent Islamists compete for the audience, and therefore, not only can non‑violent Islamists embrace jihadist views but also, vice versa, some jihadists can change their position to non‑violence. Moreover, Muslim values, as well as those of the Islamists, are not necessarily antagonistic in all their aspects with the values of Western democracies. Various theoretical approaches form the basis for an alternative program of practical measures that could be implemented in the future.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 29-39
Author(s):  
Alexei Langinen ◽  

Introduction. The problems of state and local governance in sparsely populated and rural areas is relevant for the Russian Federation due to the presence of depressed areas, depopulation of the countryside, small towns, monotowns, migration of the rural population to large cities, regional capitals, other regions and abroad. These processes are typical for many other modern states. Solving the problems of rural and sparsely populated areas includes providing socially significant services, protecting the health and safety of residents, developing education, creating and maintaining social infrastructure, and creating jobs. The purpose of the article is to identify the most important management problems in rural and sparsely populated areas and reveal possible solutions to these problems using the example of Great Britain. Methods. The research is based on a systematic approach to management in rural and sparsely populated areas. Analysis of factual data, legal sources, published survey results, foreign Internet sources. Comparative analysis of problems and measures of state policy in different states. Scientific novelty of the research. The author highlights the current measures taken in the UK at the central, local levels in order to overcome the problems of rural and sparsely populated areas. These activities as a basis for developing practical recommendations may be important for solving similar problems in Russian regions, including in the context of the COVID-19 epidemic and economic problems in the near future. Results. As a result the author identifies problems in the field of management in rural and sparsely populated and hard-to-reach areas, as well as possible directions of state policy in the UK and Russia to overcome these problems. Conclusions. The most important direction of state policy for solving the problems highlighted in the study is the development of local interests of the community, the integration of state support measures and local events. As measures aimed at solving social and infrastructural problems of sparsely populated areas in the UK, one can single out government programs implemented at the national and regional levels with the participation of industrial enterprises and businesses, a grant mechanism for the implementation of financial support, combined with the empowerment of local communities. There is no such policy in Russia yet.


This groundbreaking book breaks with established canons and resists some of the stereotypes of feminist biblical studies. A wide range of contributors—from the Netherlands, Germany, Norway, East Africa, South Africa, Argentina, Israel, Hong Kong, the US, the UK, and Iran—showcase new methodological and theoretical movements such as feminist materialisms; intersectionality; postidentitarian ?nomadic? politics; gender archaeology; lived religion; and theories of the human and the posthuman. They engage a range of social and political issues, including migration and xenophobia; divorce and family law; abortion; ?pinkwashing?; the neoliberal university; the second amendment; AIDS and sexual trafficking; Tianamen Square and 9/11; and the politics of ?the veil?. Foundational figures in feminist biblical studies work alongside new voices and contributors from a range of disciplines in conversations with the Bible that go well beyond the expected canon-within-the-canon assumed to be of interest to feminist biblical scholars. Moving beyond the limits of a text-orientated model of reading, they look at how biblical texts were actualized in the lives of religious revolutionaries, such as Joanna Southcott and Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz. In important interventions—made all the more urgent in the context of the Trump presidency and Brexit—they make biblical traditions speak to gun legislation, immigration, the politics of abortion, and Roe v. Wade.


2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Hollis ◽  
Stavroula Leka ◽  
Aditya Jain ◽  
Nicholas J. A. Andreou ◽  
Gerard Zwetsloot

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.


Author(s):  
Marina Aleksandrovna Kalievskaya

In this article, a model of the mechanism of ensuring public security and orderliness in accordance with the principles and tasks of the relevant institu- tions in public administration, taking into account resources, technologies, mea- sures for the state policy implementation in the spheres of ensuring the protection of human rights and freedoms, the interests of society and the state, combating crime, maintaining public security and order. It was found that ensuring public security and order in Ukraine is a mechanism for the implementation of national goals of state policy in the areas of ensuring the protection of human rights and freedoms, the interests of society and the state, combating crime, maintaining public security and order, by defining tasks according to certain principles. The idea is that if one considers the state policy in the spheres of ensuring the protec- tion of human rights and freedoms, the interests of society and the state, combat- ing crime, maintaining public security and order as a national priority (purpose, task), then the mechanism of ensuring public security and order in Ukraine needs coordination with the state development strategy. From the point of view of the implementation of the state policy in the areas of ensuring the protection of hu- man rights and freedoms, the interests of society and the state, combating crime, maintaining public security and order, the mechanism of ensuring public security and order in Ukraine can be considered as the main system providing intercon- nection such elements as institutions (implementing the specified state policy), resources (human resources, logistical, natural and so on, with the help of which it is possible to implement state policy), technologies (skills, knowledge, means and so on the implementation of state policy), measures (action plans), as well as external (internal) threats.


2008 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-158
Author(s):  
Vytis Čiubrinskas

The Centre of Social Anthropology (CSA) at Vytautas Magnus University (VMU) in Kaunas has coordinated projects on this, including a current project on 'Retention of Lithuanian Identity under Conditions of Europeanisation and Globalisation: Patterns of Lithuanian-ness in Response to Identity Politics in Ireland, Norway, Spain, the UK and the US'. This has been designed as a multidisciplinary project. The actual expressions of identity politics of migrant, 'diasporic' or displaced identity of Lithuanian immigrants in their respective host country are being examined alongside with the national identity politics of those countries.


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