Public Opinion on Armed Forces in Spain: Security Threats, Foreign Policy and the Military

Author(s):  
José A. Olmeda ◽  
Consuelo del Val
Author(s):  
Andrea Ghiselli

How did the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) react to the securitization act initiated by the civilian leadership? This chapter shows that the PLA was relatively hesitant to accept a more inclusive understanding of security beyond traditional territorial defense, and therefore of a broader role for itself in China’s peacetime foreign policy. The PLA’s approach to non-traditional missions was similar to that of other countries’ armed forces, as they did not look favorably on so-called interventionist uses of force. It was in the aftermath of the 2011 Libyan crisis that the position of the PLA changed in an unequivocal way and the soldiers’ attitude towards the expansion of their peacetime portfolio became very similar to that of the civilians. While the soldiers’ natural desire to contribute to the security of the people played an important role in this process, it is important to emphasize how crucial the establishment of a causal link between non-traditional security threats and inter-state conflict was in the debate within the PLA.


Author(s):  
Fabrizio Coticchia

Public attitudes are greatly shaped by the cohesiveness of the strategic narratives crafted by policy-makers in framing the national involvement in war. The literature has recently devoted growing attention toward the features that define successful strategic narratives, such as a consistent set of objectives, convincing cause–effect chains, as well as credible promises of success. This paper provides an original framework for ‘effective strategic narratives’ for the case of Italy. The military operations undertaken by Italian armed forces in Iraq, Lebanon, and Libya represent the cases through which the framework is assessed. Drawing on content and discourse analysis of political debates and data provided by public opinion surveys, this paper explores the nature of the strategic narratives and their effectiveness.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 413-436
Author(s):  
David Paulo Succi Junior

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar o modo em que a bibliografia especializada busca explicar o constante emprego das Forças Armadas – instrumento de política externa – em missões de segurança pública na América do Sul. São identificados três níveis de explicação: internacional, regional e nacional. Defende-se que as análises podem ser agrupadas em duas lógicas explicativas – positivismo e o pós-positivismo –, as quais distinguem-se não apenas em termos teóricos, mas também, sob a ótica da teoria crítica, em relação às suas consequências políticas. Considera-se que a compreensão positivista do fenômeno em questão leva a uma subordinação da política à técnica, enquanto as análises pós-positivistas evidenciam o caráter político da escolha de envolver o instrumento militar em segurança pública. Palavras-chave: Forças Armadas; Segurança Pública; América do Sul.     Abstract: The current paper aims to evaluate the way in which specialized scholars seek to clarify the constant employment of South Americans Armed Forces – foreign policy instrument – in public security. Three explanatory levels are identified: international, regional and domestic. It is argued that analyses can be classified in two logics of explanation – positivism and post positivism – that are distinguished by both its theoretical specificity and its politics implications. We sustain that rationalist explanation submits politics to technique, while post positivism analyses emphasize the political nature of the decision to involve the military in public security. Key-Word: Armed Forces; Public Security; South America.     Recebido em: fevereiro/2017. Aprovado em: agosto/2017.


Author(s):  
Rafael Martínez

At the end of the twentieth century (after a long history of coups d’état, a military uprising, a civil war, and a four-decade dictatorship), the Spanish public had serious doubts about the democratic nature of the armed forces. In contrast, in 2015 they were the second-best valued institution in the country. This is not just the result of a reform in the military administration. Both have changed: society and the military. To try to understand this change we will analyse the evolution of Spanish public opinion about the armed forces and national security since the end of the twentieth century and the perception of the Spanish military after undertaking international missions, its main activity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 325-335
Author(s):  
John Ishiyama ◽  
Christopher Pace ◽  
Brandon Stewart

How do political parties react to foreign security threats? There has been very little attention paid in the literature generally to how parties react to international events, particularly how parties react to foreign policy threats. Using data from the Comparative Manifesto Project, we examine how political parties in countries in Europe have reacted to Russian actions in terms of their emphasis on security issues. Based upon our analysis of the manifestoes from 331 parties in 36 countries we find that, generally, interstate threats have no significant effect on the military position adopted by political parties, although these effects vary by party type and by the type of threat. Russian based threats appear to be associated with the Far Left becoming more dovish (which is consistent with what would be expected by the literature) and the Far Right becoming significantly less hawkish.


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michela Ceccorulli ◽  
Fabrizio Coticchia

The international context seems to be increasingly exposed to multidimensional and transnational challenges, ranging from irregular migration and piracy to the violation of basic human rights. Rather than excluding a potential role for the military, many European states rely on it to face a complex security scenario. What are the reasons behind this activism? Taking Italy as a case study, this article works out two main arguments (ideational factors and interests relating to the so-called military–industrial complex) and tries to intercept their weight in the national debate leading to the decision to intervene militarily (or not) in Sri Lanka (2004–05), Haiti (2010), and in the Central Mediterranean (2015–). Ultimately, this effort contributes to understanding the role of the military instrument in Italy, a state particularly exposed to the new challenges ahead, and offers tools for research to be potentially applied in other countries that make similar use of armed forces to deal with non-conventional security threats.


2014 ◽  
Vol 06 (04) ◽  
pp. 13-25
Author(s):  
Ji YOU

The PLA role in China's foreign policy is integral and deep. Politically it follows overall civilian primacy in foreign policy-making. Militarily the PLA sticks to assertiveness/war aversion dynamics in tackling external security threats, especially over territorial disputes. Functionally, the PLA abides by a top-down division of labour with diplomats. The PLA role in foreign policy-making can be overtly influential, as national/security/military-related foreign affairs are generally more important.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 23-37
Author(s):  
Serhii PIDSHYBIAKIN

The author analyzes the Ukrainian public opinion on the events on the front line near Debaltseve in the Donetsk region in January-February 2015. It is stated that the offensive in January 2015 of pro-Russian terrorists, together with Russian regular troops, had to destroy the "Debaltseve ledge" as, since the end of July 2014, the city was under the control of the Ukrainian authorities. The task also included the encirclement and defeat of the Ukrainian army, deployment of the offensive, and occupation of Artemivsk and Kramatorsk. As a result of fierce fightings, which lasted from January 27 to February 18, Russian troops destroyed the "Debaltseve ledge" and took, in particular, essential for transport connection settlements Vuhlehirsk, Chornukhine, Debaltseve. The author states that the significant losses inflicted on the enemy by Ukrainian soldiers forced him to abandon further offensive actions and to seize new territories. While the official representatives of the military-political command (starting with the President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko and the Chiefs of Staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine) and loyal media and expert circles considered the withdrawal of Ukrainian troops from Debaltseve a successful operation, that in general saved personnel and combat capability of the army, the opposition was skeptical. It noted that both because of the enemy's treachery and the Ukrainian military leadership's unprofessional actions, the Ukrainian army first was encircled under Debaltseve ("kettle"), and later - lost control of the strategic railway junction. Keywords Debaltseve, military operation, «kettle», Ukrainian public opinion, politics, mass media, expert community, Ukraine, Russia.


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 456-473 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabrizio Coticchia ◽  
Valerio Vignoli

AbstractSince the end of the bipolar era, the military activism of several Western powers has raised questions about parliamentary control, fostering growing research and analyses on the features, drivers and consequences of the different kinds of oversight exercised by legislative assemblies. Within this scholarly debate, this article focuses on the under-studied case of Italy. How did Italian parties vote on military operations abroad in the post-Cold War era? In order to answer this question, the article presents the first detailed and comprehensive set of data on parliamentary votes over the deployment of the Italian armed forces in the post-Cold War era (i.e. from the beginning of the 1990s to the recent operation against ISIL). Thanks to this extensive new empirical material, the article assesses selected arguments developed by the literature on political parties and foreign policy, paving the way for further research.


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