Who Brings »(De)Confrontainment« In – The Parties or the Media?: Frame Building in the 2008 Austrian Parliamentary Election Campaign

2014 ◽  
pp. 143-163
Author(s):  
Günther Lengauer ◽  
Iris Höller ◽  
Gilg Seeber
2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anders Horsbøl

A central journalistic counterstrategy to the communicative ‘professionalization’ of politics consists in a use of political communication experts who comment on political moves and analyse the strategies behind them. This study investigates how the media uses political communication experts in prime time news programmes from the 2005 parliamentary election campaign in Denmark. To this aim, the knowledge positions ascribed to the experts as well as the articulation of the expert voice with the news genre is analysed. Furthermore, the qualitative analysis is combined with quantitative data on the amount of political communication experts and their professional background. The study situates the analysis within a public sphere perspective on the power relations between politics and media, and discusses implications of the findings for a well functioning public sphere.


Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (6(75)) ◽  
pp. 397-420
Author(s):  
Jakub Żurawski

Social Media Agendas of Political Parties Versus Social Media Agendas of TV News Services in the Parliamentary Election Campaign in 2019 The presented article concerns the convergence of symbolic political agendas of selected political entities (coalitions) (PiS-ZP, PO-KO) and agendas of selected broadcasters (Wiadomości TVP, Fakty TVN), in social media, in the parliamentary campaign in 2019. Theses concerning the overlapping of the media and political agendas of PiS-ZP and TVP and PO-KO and TVN in the thematic aspect were formulated, as well as the thesis about the affective orientation of media agendas towards specific political entities: TVN towards PiS-ZP and TVN towards PO-KO. The theoretical framework of the research was the agenda-setting theory, the concept of mediatization of politics and the evolution of the roles of political and media actors. The work also presents empirical research on the agendas of the above-mentioned entities on Twitter. The hypotheses were verified on the basis of quantitative and qualitative analysis.


Author(s):  
Tiago Lima Quintanilha ◽  
Gustavo Cardoso ◽  
Vania Baldi ◽  
Miguel Paisana

This article reflects on the role of journalism in the deconstruction of fake news propaganda that came out in the media on the last day of the 2019 parliamentary election campaign in Portugal. We collected news items carried by the Portuguese media and contextualised this media coverage with regard to the impact of disinformation on confidence in the news with the help of data collated as part of the Digital News Report project. We found that journalistic scrutiny, aided by the characteristics of the Portuguese media system, might have contributed to a zero effect of this fake news on the election results, unlike what happened in elections in other countries, such as the United States, United Kingdom and Brazil.


2020 ◽  
pp. 43-59
Author(s):  
Jadwiga Nadolska

The purpose of the article is to diagnose the causes of the increased interest shown by Poles in the European parliamentary election in 2019. From 2014 to 2019, Poles’ participation in elections to the European Parliament went up from 23.83% to 45.68%. Drawing on Europe salience theory and second-order election theory, I set out to determine whether changes in Poles’ attitudes towards the European Union led to this almost twofold increase in turnout from 2014 to 2019, or whether this trend was mainly attributable to the election cycle, that is, the coincidence in 2019 of both European and domestic parliamentary elections. My research involved an analysis of survey data (CBOS, Eurobarometr), statistical data, and the course of the European parliamentary election campaign. During the analysis, it turned out that in the years 2014–2019 there were no significant changes in how the European Union and its institutions were perceived by Poles that could explain the dramatic increase in interest in the European election. What had the greatest impact on voter behaviour was the fact that the European election was held just several months before an election to the Polish parliament. The Polish political parties treated the European election in May as a test of support in the nation election to be held in the autumn – as a ‘quasi-first round.’ The European election campaign was heavily covered by the media, and focused on domestic issues (building up Poland’s welfare state). The ruling party’s announcement of numerous social reforms and a desire to influence the result of the ‘May round’ mobilised an above-average number of Poles to take an active part in the European election.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-26
Author(s):  
Julija Slipetska

The article is devoted to the study of features and patterns of formation of party brands, analyzes colors, party symbols, key slogans of parliamentary parties in 2019. The essence of the concept of "political brand" and "party brand" is clarified, their characteristics and structure are defined. Article outlines the features of the processes of virtualization and mediatization of politics, pointing to the place of the political and party brand in these processes. The author outlines the features of political branding as a technology of political marketing, analyzes the technology of formation and promotion of political and party brand. Examining the practical experience of using political branding by modern Ukrainian political parties during the parliamentary election campaign in 2019, the author points to successful cases and explains their features. Installed. that the party brand is a virtual social phenomenon that creates in voter a sense of belonging to a particular community.It was found, that the common features of all party brands include: the presence of integral components of the party brand, the hypertrophied nature of the personal factor in the construction and promotion of political and party brand, the use of political advertising, co-branding and "star brand". Established, that the party brands of modern parliamentary parties of Ukraine can be identified as those that are recognizable by the majority of the population, have similar popularity at both local and national levels, have potential for long stay in the political space, are constantly mentioned in the media. It was revealed, that the distinctive features of party brands during the 2019 election campaign are various communication channels in which the brand is popularized, as well as the dominant technology of brand construction.


2021 ◽  
pp. 000276422110055
Author(s):  
Marçal Sintes-Olivella ◽  
Pere Franch ◽  
Elena Yeste-Piquer ◽  
Klaus Zilles

What is the opinion held by the European press on the U.S. election campaign and the candidates running for president? What are the predominant issues that attract the attention of European print media? Does Europe detest Donald Trump? The objective of the present study is to analyze the perception European commentators had of the 2020 race for the White House. The media, the audience, and European governments were captivated more than ever before by how the U.S. election campaign unfolded, fixing their gaze on the contest between Donald Trump and Joe Biden. Through a combined quantitative and qualitative methodology, a combination of content analysis and the application of framing theory (hitherto scarcely applied to opinion pieces), our research centers on exploring the views, opinions, and analyses published in eight leading newspapers from four European countries (France, Germany, Spain, and the United Kingdom) as expressed in their editorials and opinion articles. This study observes how the televised presidential debates were commented on, interpreted, and assessed by commentators from the eight newspapers we selected. The goal was to identify the common issues and frames that affected European public opinion on the U.S. presidential campaign and the aspirants to the White House.


Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110083
Author(s):  
Michaela Maier ◽  
Carlos Jalali ◽  
Jürgen Maier ◽  
Alessandro Nai ◽  
Sebastian Stier

European elections have been described as second-order phenomena for voters, the media, but also parties. Yet, since 2009, there exists evidence that not only voters, but also political parties assign increasing significance to European elections. While initially ‘issue entrepreneurs’ were held responsible for this development, the latest campaigns have raised the question of whether mainstream parties are finally also campaigning on European issues. In this article, we examine European Union (EU) salience in the 2019 European Parliament (EP) campaigns of government and opposition parties and the predictors of their strategic behaviours. We test the relevance of factors derived from the selective emphasis and the co-orientation approach within an integrated model of strategic campaign communication based on expert evaluations of 191 parties in 28 EU member states. Results show that the traditional expectation that government parties silence EU issues does not hold anymore; instead, the average EU salience of government and opposition parties is similar on the national level. The strongest predictors for a party’s decision to campaign on EU issues are the co-orientation towards the campaign agendas of competing parties, and party’s EU position.


Author(s):  
Vitaliy Peresada

The article studies the role of party press in the electoral process and political communication based on the example of the elections toVerkhovna Rada of Ukraine in 2012. The classical party and short-term party periodicals are analyzed according to thematic orientation, content of publications, political and ideological bias. In particular, such official print periodicals of the leading political organizations as Communist, Svoboda/Liberty, Vseukrainski Visti/All-Ukrainian News and the party short-term periodicals distributed during the 2012 parliamentary campaign, were examined. The analysis of the party’s legal press and illegal press during the parliamentary election campaign is caused by a sharp increase of its circulation and titles, as well as by the renewed interest of a wide spectrum of recipients and future voters. Methods. The following general scientific research methods were used in the article: 1. Method of abstraction, which made it possible to determine the main categories of scientific work of mass communication direction: party periodicals, hidden party press, election periodicals, etc. The modeling method by which the role of party press in the election campaign was highlighted, which stipulated the influence on the voter’s final will. The method of analysis that provided a systematic study of the functional purpose of party periodicals in the election campaign. The method of induction and deduction, which contributed to a clearer definition of the party press role in information support of the election campaign. The study also used a comparison method. Results and conclusions. The study ascertained that in the 2012 election campaign, the party periodicals played a prominent role, which, however, was far from clear. Most of participants of the electoral process underestimated or neglected the importance of official party print media, focusing on the publications of alternative, cheap and primitive products (special issues, newsletters, etc.). Due to its bias, the party periodicals could not give the voters an objective idea of of electoral process and intra-party tendencies, all the more to form their conscious choices. The electoral practice of party periodicals showed mass inadequacy in solving typical propaganda tasks (declarativism, populism, meeting rhetoric, emphasis on supplementary aspects, etc.). The wide spread practice of the 2012 election campaign was the use of unethical methods of cross-party competition (“jeans” and “smearpiece”) as well as the use of semi-legal and illegal publications for public opinion’ provocations and manipulations.


Author(s):  
Marina Dekavalla

Chapter 7 proposes an explorative frame-building model for referendum campaigns to help explain how the media cover referendums in particular media systems. It compares insights from the previous chapters with those from other framing studies in different contexts and discusses the extent to which certain frames may be expected to emerge in the coverage of referendum campaigns in general, as a broader category of political event. Comparisons are drawn to research focusing on the 1980 Quebec independence referendum, the 2000 Euro referendum in Denmark and the 2008 Swiss direct-democratic consultation on immigration, which are the other case studies where media framing studies have been carried out. The chapter identifies connections between the similarities these cases share and the characteristics of the media systems where they are located. These similarities form the basis of the original analytical model proposed here.


Author(s):  
Marina Dekavalla

Chapter 6 attempts to explain the prominence of these frames in the media coverage, based on insights from interviews with broadcasters and their sources. It proposes five factors which played a role in shaping media frames: the influence of political campaigns, professional routines relating to balance, journalists’ views of their own role in the coverage of a contested issue, broadcasters’ perceptions of what attracts audiences and what constitutes a contribution to public debate, as well as previous experience of covering election campaigns. The discussion is contextualized within broader academic literature about frame building.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document