scholarly journals Agendy partii politycznych i telewizyjnych serwisów informacyjnych w mediach społecznościowych w kampanii wyborczej do parlamentu w 2019 r.

Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (6(75)) ◽  
pp. 397-420
Author(s):  
Jakub Żurawski

Social Media Agendas of Political Parties Versus Social Media Agendas of TV News Services in the Parliamentary Election Campaign in 2019 The presented article concerns the convergence of symbolic political agendas of selected political entities (coalitions) (PiS-ZP, PO-KO) and agendas of selected broadcasters (Wiadomości TVP, Fakty TVN), in social media, in the parliamentary campaign in 2019. Theses concerning the overlapping of the media and political agendas of PiS-ZP and TVP and PO-KO and TVN in the thematic aspect were formulated, as well as the thesis about the affective orientation of media agendas towards specific political entities: TVN towards PiS-ZP and TVN towards PO-KO. The theoretical framework of the research was the agenda-setting theory, the concept of mediatization of politics and the evolution of the roles of political and media actors. The work also presents empirical research on the agendas of the above-mentioned entities on Twitter. The hypotheses were verified on the basis of quantitative and qualitative analysis.

2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anders Horsbøl

A central journalistic counterstrategy to the communicative ‘professionalization’ of politics consists in a use of political communication experts who comment on political moves and analyse the strategies behind them. This study investigates how the media uses political communication experts in prime time news programmes from the 2005 parliamentary election campaign in Denmark. To this aim, the knowledge positions ascribed to the experts as well as the articulation of the expert voice with the news genre is analysed. Furthermore, the qualitative analysis is combined with quantitative data on the amount of political communication experts and their professional background. The study situates the analysis within a public sphere perspective on the power relations between politics and media, and discusses implications of the findings for a well functioning public sphere.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Amanda Richardson

<p><b>This thesis investigates responses in voting behaviour and media perceptions to the presence of media scandals about politicians and associated political parties during the 2017 New Zealand general election. A repeated measures design was used wherein 351 participants were recruited before the start of the election campaign, primarily from an Introductory Psychology course at Victoria University of Wellington. Follow-up surveys were conducted at three time points throughout the two month campaign. Participants were randomly allocated into one of two conditions for each follow-up survey. Half the participants were given a real news article to read about a media scandal, the other half read an article about a policy platform by the same political party. At the end of the election campaign, participants were asked about their voting behaviours. A second study was conducted after Labour Party leader, Jacinda Ardern, was announced Prime Minister with participants recruited via social media sites ‘Twitter’ and ‘Facebook’. In this study, 153 participants recalled information about scandals that were present in the media during the election campaign.</b></p> <p>Results showed that political scandals in news media do have an influence on voter perceptions, but not in an easily predictable way. Prior perceptions of political parties were the best predictors of who participants intended to vote for. Participants responded most strongly to public policy articles rather than scandal information, particularly those more knowledgeable of New Zealand’s political system, and therefore likely more engaged with politics in general. Further, there was evidence that information presented in the media influenced how participants viewed political parties that were not involved in the scandal, which is an important under a proportional voting system like MMP which requires understanding of the relationships between parties.</p> <p>Evidence was also found for a backlash effect towards the media wherein participants who were exposed to scandal information would displayed a decrease in trust towards the general media, consistent with the idea that one reason why voters may not respond negatively to scandal information reflects the decision that the source of the information is not credible. Future research should consider more targeted analysis on the different sources of news media, especially new media like blogs, social media, and entertainment news.</p>


2020 ◽  
pp. 43-59
Author(s):  
Jadwiga Nadolska

The purpose of the article is to diagnose the causes of the increased interest shown by Poles in the European parliamentary election in 2019. From 2014 to 2019, Poles’ participation in elections to the European Parliament went up from 23.83% to 45.68%. Drawing on Europe salience theory and second-order election theory, I set out to determine whether changes in Poles’ attitudes towards the European Union led to this almost twofold increase in turnout from 2014 to 2019, or whether this trend was mainly attributable to the election cycle, that is, the coincidence in 2019 of both European and domestic parliamentary elections. My research involved an analysis of survey data (CBOS, Eurobarometr), statistical data, and the course of the European parliamentary election campaign. During the analysis, it turned out that in the years 2014–2019 there were no significant changes in how the European Union and its institutions were perceived by Poles that could explain the dramatic increase in interest in the European election. What had the greatest impact on voter behaviour was the fact that the European election was held just several months before an election to the Polish parliament. The Polish political parties treated the European election in May as a test of support in the nation election to be held in the autumn – as a ‘quasi-first round.’ The European election campaign was heavily covered by the media, and focused on domestic issues (building up Poland’s welfare state). The ruling party’s announcement of numerous social reforms and a desire to influence the result of the ‘May round’ mobilised an above-average number of Poles to take an active part in the European election.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Amanda Richardson

<p><b>This thesis investigates responses in voting behaviour and media perceptions to the presence of media scandals about politicians and associated political parties during the 2017 New Zealand general election. A repeated measures design was used wherein 351 participants were recruited before the start of the election campaign, primarily from an Introductory Psychology course at Victoria University of Wellington. Follow-up surveys were conducted at three time points throughout the two month campaign. Participants were randomly allocated into one of two conditions for each follow-up survey. Half the participants were given a real news article to read about a media scandal, the other half read an article about a policy platform by the same political party. At the end of the election campaign, participants were asked about their voting behaviours. A second study was conducted after Labour Party leader, Jacinda Ardern, was announced Prime Minister with participants recruited via social media sites ‘Twitter’ and ‘Facebook’. In this study, 153 participants recalled information about scandals that were present in the media during the election campaign.</b></p> <p>Results showed that political scandals in news media do have an influence on voter perceptions, but not in an easily predictable way. Prior perceptions of political parties were the best predictors of who participants intended to vote for. Participants responded most strongly to public policy articles rather than scandal information, particularly those more knowledgeable of New Zealand’s political system, and therefore likely more engaged with politics in general. Further, there was evidence that information presented in the media influenced how participants viewed political parties that were not involved in the scandal, which is an important under a proportional voting system like MMP which requires understanding of the relationships between parties.</p> <p>Evidence was also found for a backlash effect towards the media wherein participants who were exposed to scandal information would displayed a decrease in trust towards the general media, consistent with the idea that one reason why voters may not respond negatively to scandal information reflects the decision that the source of the information is not credible. Future research should consider more targeted analysis on the different sources of news media, especially new media like blogs, social media, and entertainment news.</p>


Author(s):  
Kevin Munger ◽  
Patrick J. Egan ◽  
Jonathan Nagler ◽  
Jonathan Ronen ◽  
Joshua Tucker

Abstract Does social media educate voters, or mislead them? This study measures changes in political knowledge among a panel of voters surveyed during the 2015 UK general election campaign while monitoring the political information to which they were exposed on the Twitter social media platform. The study's panel design permits identification of the effect of information exposure on changes in political knowledge. Twitter use led to higher levels of knowledge about politics and public affairs, as information from news media improved knowledge of politically relevant facts, and messages sent by political parties increased knowledge of party platforms. But in a troubling demonstration of campaigns' ability to manipulate knowledge, messages from the parties also shifted voters' assessments of the economy and immigration in directions favorable to the parties' platforms, leaving some voters with beliefs further from the truth at the end of the campaign than they were at its beginning.


Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110083
Author(s):  
Michaela Maier ◽  
Carlos Jalali ◽  
Jürgen Maier ◽  
Alessandro Nai ◽  
Sebastian Stier

European elections have been described as second-order phenomena for voters, the media, but also parties. Yet, since 2009, there exists evidence that not only voters, but also political parties assign increasing significance to European elections. While initially ‘issue entrepreneurs’ were held responsible for this development, the latest campaigns have raised the question of whether mainstream parties are finally also campaigning on European issues. In this article, we examine European Union (EU) salience in the 2019 European Parliament (EP) campaigns of government and opposition parties and the predictors of their strategic behaviours. We test the relevance of factors derived from the selective emphasis and the co-orientation approach within an integrated model of strategic campaign communication based on expert evaluations of 191 parties in 28 EU member states. Results show that the traditional expectation that government parties silence EU issues does not hold anymore; instead, the average EU salience of government and opposition parties is similar on the national level. The strongest predictors for a party’s decision to campaign on EU issues are the co-orientation towards the campaign agendas of competing parties, and party’s EU position.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (III) ◽  
pp. 32-43
Author(s):  
Ashraf Iqbal ◽  
Kishwer Perveen ◽  
Saima Waheed

Social Networking sites are highly used for political proposes. In this study, the research tried to search the usage of social media by political parties during elections campaigns 2018 in Pakistan. The researcher applied the agenda-setting theory to link the social media posts of these political parties' pages and content analysis research technique for analyzing the variables. It was concluded from the that these social media are highly used for mobilizing voters where the users of these mediums not only see these posts but also like, comment and share for responding about what is uploaded on these social media pages by the representatives of political parties. It is concluded that from three trending political parties, PTI emerged as the most dominant party by using these social media tools, by uploading a maximum number of posts, by mobilizing voters to vote for a specific political party.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 222-237
Author(s):  
Muhammad Edy Susilo

AbstrakPemilihan umum merupakan salah satu Peristiwa penting yang akan menentukan arah perjalanan sebuahnegara. Ada 12 parti politik yang bertanding dalam pemilihan umum 2014. Pelaksanaan pemilihan umumtidak dapat dipisahkan dengan media,kerana media menjadi salah satu cara bagi parti politik untukmendapatkan pemilih. Di Indonesia, hubungan antara politik dengan media menjadi lebih rumit keranasebahagian besar ahli politik parti juga merupakan pemilik media massa nasional. Sudah menjadi sifatmedia, untuk selalu akan menyuarakan kepentingan pemiliknya. Namun, pada pemilihan umum 2014ada fenomena yang menarik iaitu luasnya penggunaan media sosial, seiring dengan meningkatnyapenggunaan internet di Indonesia. Maka, kempen politik bergeser dari ruang fizik menuju ruang maya.Jika pada pemilihan umum sebelum ini kempen politik selalu melibatkan massa yang besar, pawai atauorasi di tempat, terbuka, namun kali ini kempen yang dilakukan adalah lebih bersifat individu. Kempendilakukan melalui telefon pintar, komputer riba dan gajet yang lain. Dengan media sosial, masyarakatbukan lagi penonton yang pasif tetapi aktif. Masyarakat boleh menjadi penyampai maklumat dan bukanhanya sebagai penonton, sehingga dominasi media massa konvensional runtuh. Salah satu fenomenayang menonjol adalah munculnya Tokoh Joko Widodo, yang popular dengan nama Jokowi, sebagai salahsatu calon presiden dari Parti Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan. Jokowi berjaya menggunakan mediasosial untuk bekempen, walaupun partinya tidak memiliki media massa. Abstract General election is one of the crucial moments that will determine the development of a country. Thereare 12 political parties competing in the 2014 Indonesian national elections. The elections cannot beseparated with the media, because political parties use media in their campaign to influence voters. InIndonesia, the relationship between politics and the media becomes more complicated because most ofthe party’s political elites are also the owner of the national mass media. It is the nature of media, to alwaysbe voicing the interests of its owner. However, in the 2014 elections there is an interesting phenomenon:the increasing use of social media, along with the increasing penetration of the Internet in Indonesia. Thus,the political campaign shifted from physical space to the virtual space. If in the previous elections, politicalcampaigns always involve huge masses and rhetorics in the open space; in this election the campaigncarried more personal. Now, campaigns are conducted through smart phones, laptops and other gadgets.With social media, people are no longer passive but active audience. People can be a message producerand not just as an audience, so the conventional media dominance collapsed. One of the prominentphenomenon is the rising popularity of the president candidates from the Partai Demokrasi IndonesiaPerjuangan, Joko Widodo, who is popularly known as Jokowi. Jokowi has successfully used social mediafor the campaign, even though his political party does not have the mass media.


Glimpse ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-130
Author(s):  
Sarah Lwahas ◽  

Journalism like many other professions is facing a crucial phase with the emergence of Coronavirus pandemic. The impact of Coronavirus phenomenon is enormous on social and cultural relationships of many communities who depend on the media for information to connect with each other and participate in governance freely. Journalists globally are facing enormous crisis of managing the infodemic of the pandemic streaming particularly from social media; as well as controversies of the media perpetuating disinfodemic or disinformation and distrust in the society. Besides arrests and restrictions of movement, journalists are also under intense threats of losing their jobs, and exacerbated psychological and physical pressures owing to the devastating effects of COVID-19. Using the Social Responsibility theory, that emphasises improved standards of journalism, safeguarding the interests of journalism and journalists among others, and the Agenda setting theory, that controls access to news, information, and entertainment; this research interrogates how journalists from selected states in Northern Nigeria are responding to the challenges of reportage of COVID-19. This research sampled the views of journalists using structured questionnaire administered online and interviewed seven senior journalists holding managerial positions. Findings revealed that journalists are embracing fact checking of the avalanche of information even within familiar sources to verify reports on COVID-19. Similarly, they are deploying digital and multimedia strategies to provide a continuum of media services and sensitive reporting to engage this new infodemic of COVID-19, now globally considered the “new normal”. This research recommends that, since COVID-19 is a novel disease, professionals across countries need to talk with each other, and journalists particularly from Africa and indeed Nigeria; need to put some structure and some science in place, especially in the performance of their jobs, so that professionalism can be sustained without compromising the future of the journalism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
Rafał Klepka

The struggle for good change: Media narratives in the parliamentary election campaign in 2015 The role of media narratives in politics is particularly important in the time of narrative media, which interpret reality more than they report on the course of events. The article presents the results of research on the content of TV news programs Wiadomości of TVP, Fakty of TVN, and weeklies Polityka, Newsweek and W Sieci from the period preceding the parliamentary campaign in 2015. The aim of the analysis was to determine to what extent the election materials illustrate the activities of the political actors and how many prepared narratives were intended to clearly suggest to the voters who to vote for. The conclusion drawn from the research is that positive and coherent narratives can significantly increase the chance of achieving electoral success.


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