No More Cubas

2018 ◽  
pp. 131-171
Author(s):  
Thomas Tunstall Allcock
Keyword(s):  
Dominican Republic ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Thomas Mann ◽  
Government Service ◽  
Latin Americans ◽  
American States ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Impact

The majority of this chapter is dedicated to exploring the most controversial and destructive incident of Johnson’s management of Latin American policy, the intervention in the Dominican Republic in April 1965. By considering the decision to intervene, the period of occupation, and the Organization of American States (OAS)–supervised elections that followed, the impact and significance of the first use of US forces in the hemisphere since the 1930s can be thoroughly unpacked. A turning point in Johnson’s presidency, the intervention was in some respects a success, with few casualties and the eventual election of a US-friendly government. However, it also severely damaged relations with Congress and the press, alienated masses of Latin Americans, undermined trust in the OAS, and convinced Thomas Mann to leave government service after more than twenty years. This use of force occurring at the same time as American troops were introduced in Vietnam, its relevance is readily apparent.

The Development of Accion Democratica de Venezuela

1959 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harry Kantor
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Dominican Republic ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Past History ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
Latin Americans ◽  
The Past ◽  
History Of

The election of Rómulo Betancourt as constitutional President of Venezuela for the 1959-1964 term marks a turning point in that country's political evolution and a high point in the tide of reform now sweeping Latin American toward stable constitutional government. The new president of Venezuela and the party he leads, Acción Democrática, represent the same type of reformist movement as those now flourishing in many other countries of Latin America. As a result, dictatorship in the spring of 1959 is confined to the Dominican Republic, Nicaragua, and Paraguay. The situation in Haiti is unclear, but in the other sixteen republics the governments are controlled by parties and leaders which are to a greater or lesser degree trying to get away from the past and seem to have the support of their populations in their efforts. This marks a great change from most of the past history of the Latin American Republics in which the population was ruled by dictatorial cliques dedicated to the preservation of a status quo which meant the perpetuation of poverty and backwardness for most of the Latin Americans.

scholarly journals Are teachers techno-optimists or techno-pessimists? A pilot comparative among teachers in Bolivia, Brazil, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Finland, Poland, Turkey, and Uruguay

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Łukasz Tomczyk ◽  
Vladimir Costas Jáuregui ◽  
Cibelle Albuquerque de La Higuera Amato ◽  
Darwin Muñoz ◽  
Magali Arteaga ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Dominican Republic ◽  
Digital Media ◽  
Latin American ◽  
New Technologies ◽  
Geographical Location ◽  
Digital Competence ◽  
Pilot Studies ◽  
E Learning ◽  
The Impact

Abstract The aim of the article is to highlight the key elements related to the implementation of new technologies in education from the perspective of the opinions and experiences of educators in the field in Bolivia, Brazil, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Finland, Poland, Turkey, and Uruguay. The text compares issues related to attitudes towards the use of new media in education, experiences with different forms of e-learning, and the level of restrictions on the use of smartphones in school. These variables are juxtaposed with the self-assessment of digital competence and how cyberspace is used. The survey was conducted using a standardised survey questionnaire translated into the relevant national languages in the first half of 2019, and involved a sample of 873 teachers representing eight countries. On the basis of the pilot studies it was noted that: 1) Teachers from LAC and EU like to use digital media - this is a constant trend independent of geographical location; 2) Teachers note that new technologies are not always better than analogue didactic aids; 3) Teachers from selected countries (the Dominican Republic, Brazil, Turkey, and Uruguay) have much greater techno-optimism in themselves than teachers from Bolivia, Poland, Finland and Turkey in terms of the impact of ICT on student motivation and engagement; 4) In all countries teachers prefer free online courses (the different forms of e-learning are used most often by those in the Dominican Republic, and the least often in Bolivia and Poland); 5) In each country teachers who highly value their own digital competences and have a positive attitude towards new media use ICT much more actively; 6) There is also a global trend in that the extensive use of cyberspace (typical e-services) appears in combination with the extensive use of various forms of e-learning; 7) Teachers from Ecuador are most likely to want to ban the use of smartphones in schools. The most liberal approach in this respect is taken by the Uruguayans; 8) The knowledge of the conditions related to restricting the use of smartphones goes beyond the analyses related to the style of use and attitude towards new media. This article is the result of pilot studies conducted within the framework of the SMART ECOSYSTEM FOR LEARNING AND INCLUSION project carried out in selected Latin American, Caribbean (LAC) and European (EU) countries.

Latin America and the United Nations

1965 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 714-727
Author(s):  
Bryce Wood ◽  
Minerva Morales M.
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
League Of Nations ◽  
Latin Americans ◽  
American States ◽  
International Bureaucracy ◽  
The Caribbean

When the governments of the Latin American states were taking part in the negotiations leading to the founding of the UN, they could hardly have done so with nostalgic memories of the League of Nations. The League had provided no protection to the Caribbean countries from interventions by the United States, and, largely because of United States protests, it did not consider the Tacna-Arica and Costa Rica-Panama disputes in the early 1920's. Furthermore, Mexico had not been invited to join; Brazil withdrew in 1926; and Argentina and Peru took little part in League affairs. The organization was regarded as being run mainly for the benefit of European states with the aid of what Latin Americans called an “international bureaucracy,” in which citizens from the southern hemisphere played minor roles. The United States was, of course, not a member, and both the reference to the Monroe Doctrine by name in Article 21 of the Covenant and the organization's practice of shunning any attempt to interfere in inter-American affairs against the wishes of the United States made the League in its first decade a remote and inefficacious institution to countries that were seriously concerned about domination by Washington.

Organization of American States

1961 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-330
Keyword(s):  
Dominican Republic ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
Organization Of American States ◽  
Self Defense ◽  
American States ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government ◽  
Foreign Ministers ◽  
Peace Committee

An emergency session of the Council of the Organization of American States (OAS) was reportedly held on November 30, 1960, in response to a note sent to Dr. Savhez Cavito, chairman of the Council, by the government of Venezuela requesting the opportunity to inform the Council of new acts of aggression that the Dominican Republic was planning and had already begun launching against Venezuela. At the meeting Dr. Nelson Himiob, Venezuelan delegate to the Council, was said to have charged the Dominican Republic with placing airplanes and other war materials at the disposal of former Venezuelan military officers residing in the Dominican Republic. Dr. Himiob asked that the fivenation Inter-American Peace Committee be convoked immediately after the emergency session, with a view to initiating an investigation of the aggressive acts contemplated by the Dominican Republic. The Venezuelan representative was reported to have stated that unless the Peace Committee took action, his government would have to act unilaterally in legitimate self-defense. Dr. Himiob also told the Council that there had been considerable delay in fulfilling the mandate for action against the Dominican Republic agreed upon at the August meeting of the foreign ministers; he pointed out that this was the fifth time in two years that Venezuela had brought charges against the Dominican Republic. According to the press, however, the Venezuelan delegate did not provide any concrete evidence in support of his government's contentions, and Mr. Virgilio Diaz Ordonez, Dominican delegate to the Council, denied the Venezuelan allegations.

Brazilian Foreign Policy and the Dominican Crisis: The Impact of History and Events

1972 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-77
Author(s):  
Ralph G. Santos
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Dominican Republic ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Santo Domingo ◽  
American Military ◽  
The Impact ◽  
American Nation

On May 24, 1965, nearly a month after the first U. S. Marines landed in Santo Domingo, an inter-American military force under the command of a Brazilian general took over peacekeeping activities in the Dominican Republic. Although the first Brazilian contingent to arrive comprised only 300 troops, it later reached a total of 1,250, the largest contribution by a single Latin American nation. While Brazil's participation in the Dominican crisis was a clear indication that the independent foreign policy of Quadros and Goulart had been discarded in favor of a realignment once again with the United States, it also signified an abrupt departure from one of the basic tenets of Brazilian foreign policy—nonintervention. The case study of Brazil's role in the Dominican Republic in 1965 which follows provides a unique opportunity to examine the impact of traditional forces and contemporary events on Brazilian foreign policy at a critical juncture in that nation's history.

scholarly journals Culinary lexicon in the dialects of Spanish language

2021 ◽  
pp. 38-54
Author(s):  
Angelina Yur'evna Pshenichnikova
Keyword(s):  
Dominican Republic ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Proper Names ◽  
Spanish Language ◽  
Separate Group ◽  
Spanish Speaking ◽  
Language Analysis ◽  
National Cuisine ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Latin American Countries

This article discusses the peculiarities of linguistic consciousness of the representatives of ethnoses of Latin American countries through the modern dialects of Spanish language. Analysis is conducted on the lexicon of the national cuisine of Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Peru, Ecuador, Argentina, Paraguay, and Uruguay. The article includes the analysis of linguistic zones of the Spanish language. The goal lies in examination of the lexicon of national cuisine of Latin American countries and, and creation of culinary dictionary of Spanish-speaking countries. The author aims to determine the national-specific gastronomic realities of Latin American countries through the prism of ethno-cultural space, and establish correlation between the uniqueness of gastronomic realities with the mentality and fragments of the linguistic worldview of Latin American countries. The conclusion is formulated on the impact of loanwords upon the national culinary lexicon of Latin American countries. The author draws a chart with the lexemes of national cuisines of Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Peru, Ecuador, Argentina, Paraguay, and Uruguay. In accordance with the linguistic zones of Spanish language, the national culinary lexicon is divided into three groups of indigenisms; considering the influence of other languages on the formation of the vocabulary of the regional Spanish language, the national culinary lexicon is divided into the following loanwords (Africanisms, Arabisms, Gallicisms, Anglicisms, and Italianisms). Lexical units, which are widespread in the territory of two, three, or four national dialects of the Spanish language are referred to as regionalisms. Lexical units that are characteristic to one national dialect of the Spanish language are referred to as variantisms. The proper names are allocated into a separate group. The scientific novelty consists in examination of the poorly studied national culinary lexicon of such Latin American countries as Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Peru, Ecuador, Argentina, Paraguay, and Uruguay.

Capitalist Dreams: Chile's Response to Nineteenth-Century World Copper Competition

1989 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 722-744 ◽  
Author(s):  
William W. Culver ◽  
Cornel J. Reinhart
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The Other ◽  
Recent Book ◽  
Economic Sector ◽  
Latin Americans ◽  
The Past ◽  
Chilean Copper ◽  
The Impact

Hernando de Soto's recent book, The Other Path, argues that capitalism has not failed in Peru and Latin America, rather, it has not been tried. Basing his case on the observation that Latin American economies are strangled by arcane policies and regulations, de Soto goes on to bolster his point by providing a fresh and powerful look at the undeniable reality of the large “informal,” and thus unregulated, economic sector in Peru. As with any such generalization, how strongly does its explanatory value remain when measured against specific events, over long periods of time? This article seeks just such a perspective. It examines the impact of such regulations as mining codes and mineral taxation on the efforts of Chilean copper entrepreneurs to compete worldwide in the nineteenth century. De Soto may be correct in his contention that today's highly regulated economies keep Latin Americans from being as productive as their resources justify, but to extend this view into the past ignores earlier productive accomplishments, as well as significant efforts at different times and places to cast off Latin America's mercantile legacy.

The Press and Classical Populism in Argentina and Brazil

2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 109-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ariel Alejandro Goldstein
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Traditional Media ◽  
The Public ◽  
American States ◽  
Political Alliances ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Relationship

Comparison of the policies vis-à-vis the press of the classical populist governments of Argentina and Brazil reveals that the populist elites came into conflict with traditional media elites over exclusionary views that modified the contours of the public sphere. Newspapers committed to liberal principles engaged in intransigent struggle with populism, and this struggle created opportunities for new entrepreneurs to form political alliances with these governments to expand their businesses. The relationship between these “mediatized populisms” and the new media entrepreneurs contributed to the patrimonialism that came to characterize the link between the media and Latin American states in subsequent years. Una comparación de las políticas relativas a la prensa por parte de los gobiernos populistas clásicos de Argentina y Brasil muestra que las élites populistas entraron en conflicto con las élites de los medios tradicionales. Dichas desavenencias fueron causadas por puntos de vista excluyentes que alteraban el contorno de la esfera pública. Los periódicos comprometidos con los principios liberales sostuvieron una lucha intransigente con el populismo, lucha que dio la oportunidad a nuevos empresarios de formar alianzas políticas con dichos gobiernos y expandir así sus negocios. La relación entre estos “populismos mediáticos” y los empresarios de los nuevos medios contribuyó al patrimonialismo que asumiría el vínculo entre dichos medios y los Estados latinoamericanos en años subsiguientes.

“Social Constitutionalism” in Latin America: The Bolivian Experience of 1938

1966 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 258-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert S. Klein
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Constitutional Law ◽  
State Responsibility ◽  
Economic Rights ◽  
Latin Americans ◽  
American States ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Family ◽  
Liberal Constitutionalism

In Latin America in the twentieth century, nation after nation has revised its concepts of constitutional law to take into account the whole new realm of state responsibility for the economic and social welfare of its citizens. Beginning most dramatically with the Mexican Constitution of 1917, Latin American states have written into their constitutional charters detailed chapters on the social responsibility of capital, the economic rights of the worker, and the state responsibility for the protection and security of the family and for the physical and mental welfare of all its citizens and classes. In rewriting their national constitutions, the Latin Americans have deliberately broken with the classic liberal constitutionalism of the nineteenth century and adopted what some have called a “social constitutionalist” position.

Castro: Economic Effects on Latin America

1969 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 286-309
Author(s):  
Alfonso Gonzalez
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Effects ◽  
Latin Americans ◽  
Fidel Castro ◽  
Historical Importance ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Latin American Intellectuals

Fidel Castro has had a more profound effect upon the course of Latin American affairs than any other individual in recent times. Castro's socioeconomic revolution combined with his political opposition to the United States and his charismatic personality have all contributed to granting him an historical importance of the first magnitude within Latin America. Castroism (or jidelismo to the Latin Americans) embodied much that was longed for by the frustrated Latin American intellectuals and masses. There is no doubt that the impact of Castro has lessened notably since the 1959-1960 period but there is also no doubt that he has contributed significantly to the fundamental altering of policies in Latin America, and he remains a force that must be reckoned with.

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