An afterword*

Author(s):  
Rolph Van Der Hoeven

This chapter reviews the various contributions made to this volume and interventions offered at the conference held at the British Academy in May 2009. Reflecting on how theory has been and could be put into practice, it recognises that current trends towards globalisation and the recent economic crisis have forced us ‘to be cognisant of growing (and unsustainable) inequality between and within countries’. We now need to envisage policies to counter this and seize the opportunity to ensure participation in the debates which could shape such policies. A better realisation of labour standards could ‘play an important role in diminishing the social consequences of the crisis and in building a better socio-economic system to avoid or face future crises’, so that it is ultimately sustainable.

2009 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 95-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rolf Jordan

Due to the current economic downturn, Singapore has experienced one of its most severe recessions since independence. The financial crisis, which caused a fall in prices at most of the world's leading stock exchanges and a sharp decline in industrial production, has also had a negative impact on the city-state's export-dependent economy. The analysis outlines the economic downturn and the decline of Singapore's export economy since the beginning of the crisis in late 2008. Central to the analysis are questions regarding the social consequences of the current economic crisis and the amount of losses Singapore's state-owned holding companies, Temasek and GIC, experienced when some of the world's biggest investment banks, such as Merrill Lynch, went into bankruptcy.


2007 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 344-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Kalinowski

AbstractIn this paper I analyze the nexus between economic crises, market oriented reforms, and democratization in Indonesia and Korea since the 1997/98 Asian financial crisis. I provide some support for the hypothesis that democracies are better able to survive economic crises than authoritarian regimes. In both countries democratization facilitated a crisis resolution strategy based on market oriented reforms. However, I assert that in the long run the social consequences of market-oriented reforms tend to undermine democratization partly because both are so closely linked and the majority of the population sees them as one. This process does not necessarily destroy democracies but it leaves them more vulnerable to possible external shocks in the future.


Author(s):  
Yuni Prihadi Utomo

The economic crisis that attacks Indonesia has yet to be solved even that several policies taken by the government to overcome the problem are not in accordance with the reform spirit and unpopular. In order that we can understand about the problem more well, then we need to reobserve the root of this economic crisis problem. This observation uses the view of capitalist economics theory with the discussion in the aspect of market mechanism and the democracy of delegation theory. In the discussion, it is mentioned that the capitalist economic system wishes to have a certain political system that allows the people s preference to the social welfare level to be optimal for itself which it is accommodated by their delegation in government. In reality, the commitment of the capitalist economic system is not the healthy democracy tradition system. Thus, the market mechanism does not yield an optimal solution for large people's welfare.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monika Papa

The study maintains the focus at the economic crisis in Greece, in real social terms. The research highlights the evidence between the level of education and poverty, and the impact that children of poor families are facing. The authors are focusing on the lack of social protection in single parent families, as well as the significant increase in the number of unemployed in Greece during the period of the memorandum. Moreover, the lack of an effective social state and the collapse of informal support networks increases the chances of tearing the social fabric and more families going into poverty. The study also underlines the social consequences of the economic crisis that are geared towards issues of social inclusion in societies organized in relation to values and the development of skills logic, and the inability to secure full-time jobs. The absence of social protection factors, coupled with the impact of vulnerability and risk factors, are causing poverty, unemployment, loss of rights and social support, social exclusion, discrimination, deinstitutionality, migration combined with effects on personality, developmental experiences, health of the body and soul. In Greek society, at the time of the economic crisis, there is a lack of a social protection network, and the weakening of the institution of the family. In Greece, it is necessary to approach the "new poor" in terms of politics and economy, so that they can be considered as indispensable social partners of democracy. Unprivileged social groups have to claim their rights, become part of their liberation process, and become faces of a change of personnel and social level with the ultimate goal of social transformation.


Author(s):  
N.M. Tatul

The purpose of our study is to reveal the essence and root causes of the current corona-economic crisis, both in terms of the damage caused and the impact on national economies and the world economy, and from the standpoint of its perception by humans, society and authoritative organizations of regional and global importance. In addition to analyzing the main trends and phenomena associated with the pandemic, the task is to study the social and economic consequences, assess the eff ectiveness of policies to reduce the negative impact of states and substantiate the need for all countries to be ready for multilateral and mono-sided cooperation in all areas of public activity. Numerous lessons that need to be learned from the current situation in order to work out a strategy for the development of mankind and individual states, as well as to avoid the repetition of possible mistakes and failures in the future, seem vital. Finally, an attempt is made to predict the state of the global economy after overcoming the consequences of the corona-economic crisis, taking into account current trends, as well as the principled approaches and perceptions of experts, individual organizations and regional associations.


2021 ◽  
Vol specjalny II (XXI) ◽  
pp. 63-78
Author(s):  
Jean-Michel Servais

In this essay, the author gives account of how the International Labour Organization (ILO) is working to provide assistance to its members to overcome the social consequences of the pandemic in progress. The virtues of two of its tools and of their smooth interaction are successively analyzed. The Institution has first investigated the available data and published economic analyses on the disastrous consequences of the scourge on employment and therefore, on individual income. It has addressed a series of socio-economic recommendations to governments. It has secondly referred to the international legal corpus as a guide to the States in their responses to the exceptional situation. The ILO labour standards provide a threshold of minimum protection to the benefit of those who work or want to work. They constitute guarantees which appear even more important in difficult times to enable people to go through critical periods without intolerable trouble. Some could still be strengthened.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2017 (83) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elísio Estanque

The present text focuses on the concept of middle class and its sociopolitical implications. Inasmuch as this is a topic that has been fuelling successive arguments in the academic field for some two hundred years, the author’s approach seeks to “deconstruct” some of the commonplaces that have involved this category over the years — particularly the connotation with political apathy, individualism and uncritical adherence to the “bourgeois” status quo. He takes examples from the recent cycle of social rebellions generated by the economic crisis and austerity policies — especially the protests that took place in Southern Europe and Brazil — to explore the hypothesis that the potential radicalism and transforming force of these movements are due not to a sense of “vanguardism” or “proletarian” identity, but rather to a “middle class initiative” derived precisely from the values and lifestyles incorporated — but not consolidated — by these segments. To put it another way, the discontent of the middle class (both the sectors that are moving upwards and those that are in decline) is a result of expectations, ambitions and desires to climb the social ladder, which the current economic system and governing class “promised”, but were unable to fulfil, with the middle class now threatened with impoverishment instead. The possible resurgence of conflict, be it either progressive or nationalist and conservative in nature, will certainly entail a prominent role on the part of these categories, marked as they are by instability, job precarity and the social model they once dreamed of.


Author(s):  
Svitlana Tishchenkova ◽  
Iryna Tyshchenkova

Leading experts in various areas of public life are thinking today about the question: what role does the factor of migration play in the future revival of the "world after the virus"? To avoid a migration crisis, states must take the "migration issue" into account in their national anti-pandemic strategies. And it is important that migrants are perceived not only as victims, but also as people who are able to withstand new threats. The strategy for winning Covid-19 must be based on inclusiveness, courage and cooperation at all levels of international communication. Nations must unite in order to prevent a global migration crisis and at the same time overcome the social, economic and legal "barriers" that the entire world community has faced today. In parallel with the global battle against the pandemic, a struggle is unfolding between two com-peting concepts regarding the strategy of forming a new world order. The first concept seems the most obvious and appropriate: the pandemic crisis has highlighted the need for a system of multilateral relations and joint action, demonstrated all the fallacies of unilateral nationalism and isolationism. The second concept offers a diametrically opposed approach: globalization and open borders have made humanity vulnerable to viruses and other threats, and the current struggle to control the supply of goods, including medical equipment and materials, requires that each country take care of itself first. And regardless of who eventually wins this long struggle for survival, the socio-economic crisis caused by the pandemic will lead to an even more powerful surge of nationalism, xenophobia, and dis-crimination on ethnic and national grounds. In such circumstances, migrants are the most obvious target for growing problems. Accordingly, the study of current trends in labor migration, taking into account the threats associ-ated with the global economic crisis, the COVID-19 pandemic, and other threats, is relevant for both scholars and the general population.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-177
Author(s):  
Egdūnas Račius

Muslim presence in Lithuania, though already addressed from many angles, has not hitherto been approached from either the perspective of the social contract theories or of the compliance with Muslim jurisprudence. The author argues that through choice of non-Muslim Grand Duchy of Lithuania as their adopted Motherland, Muslim Tatars effectively entered into a unique (yet, from the point of Hanafi fiqh, arguably Islamically valid) social contract with the non-Muslim state and society. The article follows the development of this social contract since its inception in the fourteenth century all the way into the nation-state of Lithuania that emerged in the beginning of the twentieth century and continues until the present. The epitome of the social contract under investigation is the official granting in 1995 to Muslim Tatars of a status of one of the nine traditional faiths in Lithuania with all the ensuing political, legal and social consequences for both the Muslim minority and the state.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document