scholarly journals Why consensus? Prefiguration in three activist eras

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 286-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesca Polletta ◽  
Katt Hoban

Activists have long justified their egalitarian organizational forms in prefigurative terms. Making decisions by consensus, decentralizing organization, and rotating leadership serves to model the radically democratic society that activists hope to bring into being. Our comparison of consensus-based decision-making in three historical periods, however, shows that activists have understood the purposes of prefiguration in very different ways. Whereas radical pacifists in the 1940s saw their cooperative organizations as sustaining movement stalwarts in a period of political repression, new left activists in the 1960s imagined that their radically democratic practices would be adopted by ever-widening circles. Along with the political conditions in which they have operated, activists’ distinctive understandings of equality have also shaped the way they have made decisions. Our interviews with 30 leftist activists today reveal a view of decision-making as a place to work through inequalities that are informal, unacknowledged, and pervasive.

2010 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 309-330 ◽  
Author(s):  
DANIEL A. GORDON

AbstractThis article argues that Gerd-Rainer Horn's model of a ‘Mediterranean New Left’ encompassing both the French Parti socialiste unifié (PSU, 1960–1990) and the Italian Partito socialista italiano di unità proletaria (PSIUP, 1964–1972) needs to be significantly revised. It agrees that, half a century on from the events which gave rise to their foundation, this much misunderstood part of the political spectrum, midway between social democracy and the far left, is worthy of rescue from the ‘enormous condescension of posterity’, but questions how similar the two parties actually were. Major differences emerge, especially in the nature of each party's relationship with communism, with the philosovietism of the PSIUP contrasting with the PSU's evolution towards an anti-Leninist decentralist socialism of self-management. Yet, at the same time, important new evidence is uncovered about the concrete political and personal links that developed between leading intellectuals of the PSIUP and PSU, an example being the friendship of the Italian parliamentarian and theorist Lelio Basso with the journalist Gilles Martinet, later French ambassador to Italy. Other transnational links, both across the Mediterranean and to eastern Europe, are explored. Furthermore, the location of the roots of both parties in the 1940s generation of anti-fascist resistance calls into question prevailing assumptions equating the New Left with the youth of the 1960s, with wider implications for our understanding of the development of the European left across the twentieth century.


Asian Survey ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-386
Author(s):  
Sunkyoung Park ◽  
Ji Yeon Hong

Many democracies start with aspirations to rectify wrongs that occurred under the preceding authoritarian regime. To what extent can a new democracy address political repression and violence by dictators, given that key actors from the past often remain politically powerful? What determines the success of those efforts? We construct and analyze a novel data set on 102 retrials of allegedly fabricated espionage cases in South Korea to explain the political conditions under which a democratic judiciary reverses past errors. We find that the time since democratization, a leader’s policy drive for transitional justice, and the degree of fabrication in the past all affect retrial acquittal rates. We also find that judges who were appointed under the authoritarian regime are less likely to nullify past verdicts. Furthermore, national survey analysis suggests that the overturning of past fabricated verdicts significantly enhances citizens’ overall trust in the judiciary.


2019 ◽  
Vol 93 (4) ◽  
pp. 729-753 ◽  
Author(s):  
Reuel Schiller

This article examines the politics of airline deregulation in the 1970s, and the events that led to the passage of the Airline Deregulation Act of 1978. It links the antibureaucratic, antiregulatory policies of the 1970s to ideas closely connected to the New Left, the counterculture, and other left-wing subcultures that dominated high and low thought in the 1960s. By linking this source of antibureaucratic sentiment to the politics of airline deregulation, this article suggests a new direction for historians who study the American state in the last decades of the twentieth century. As they focus their attention on the rise of market-based, neoliberal regulatory policies, they should look for their origins not only in the growing strength of the intellectual and political right, but also in the political thought and practice of the 1960s left.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 128-146
Author(s):  
Nicolas Guilhot

This article questions the current vogue of Carl Schmitt among political theorists who read him as an antidote to the depoliticizing force of economics and technology in the age of neoliberalism and its algorithmic rationalities. It takes Schmitt’s sparse reflections about cybernetics and game theory as paradigmatic of the theoretical and political problems raised by any theory positing the autonomy of the political. It suggests that this ultimately misunderstands the role of cybernetic representations of political decision-making in shoring up in the 1960s and 1970s the autonomy of the political that Schmitt so vehemently defended.


Author(s):  
Jacqueline Castledine

This chapter discusses how the slight thawing of Cold War tensions included discussion of a permanent test-ban treaty, raising the hopes of many former Progressive Party activists that the conservative political tide was turning. People increasingly came to believe that the easing of political repression created an opportunity to reconstitute Popular Front organizing and fully realize the potential of such organizations as the Progressive Party, Congress of American Women, and Sojourners for Truth and Justice. Toward that end, small covert leftist networks now made their way into larger national organizations that shared their commitment to “peace, freedom, and abundance.” Although they had not achieved their vision of positive peace, Popular Front organizations had provided a training ground for leftist women who later helped shape the social movements of the 1960s and 1970s.


1974 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 430-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart Daniels

THE WEATHERMEN EMERGED AS A DISTINCT POLITICAL ENTITY IN June 1969 in the United States of America. They had their roots directly within the political (civil rights and anti-Vietnam war campaigns) and cultural (emergence of the so-called counter-culture) activities of the New Left movement of the 1960s. Their interest lies not only in this new linkage of politics and culture but more substantially in their attempt to become a guerrilla band and instigate revolution in the most advanced nation in the world.


2016 ◽  
pp. 364-480
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Janicka

“This was not America.” Michael Charles Steinlauf in conversation with Elżbieta Janicka (Warsaw – New York – Warsaw, 2014–2015)Born in Paris in 1947, Michael Charles Steinlauf talks about his childhood in New York City, in the south of Brooklyn (Brighton Beach), in a milieu of Polish Jewish Holocaust survivors. His later experiences were largely associated with American counterculture, the New Left, an anti-war and antiracist student movement of the 1960s (Students for a Democratic Society, SDS) as well as the anticapitalist underground of the 1970s (“Sunfighter”, “No Separate Peace”). In the 1980s, having undertaken Judaic Studies at Brandeis University, Steinlauf arrived in Poland, where he became part of the democratic opposition circles centred around the Jewish Flying University (Żydowski Uniwersytet Latający, ŻUL). In the independent Third Republic of Poland, he contributed to the creation of the Museum of the History of Polish Jews in Warsaw.Michael C. Steinlauf’s research interests focus on the work of Mark Arnshteyn (Andrzej Marek) and of Yitskhok Leybush Peretz, Yiddish theatre as well as Polish narratives of the Holocaust. The latter were the subject of his monograph Bondage to the dead: Poland and the memory of the Holocaust (1997, Polish edition 2001 as Pamięć nieprzyswojona. Polska pamięć Zagłady). An important topic of the conversation is the dispute concerning the categories used to describe the Holocaust, including the conceptualisation of Polish majority experience of the Holocaust as a collective trauma. Controversies also arise in connection with the contemporary phenomena popularly conceptualised as the “revival of Jewish culture in Poland” and “Polish–Jewish dialogue.” Another subject of the conversation is Michał Sztajnlauf (1940–1942), Michael C. Steinlauf’s stepbrother. The fate of the brothers was introduced into the canon of Polish culture by Hanna Krall’s short story Dybuk (1995, English edition 2005 as The Dybbuk) and its eponymous stage adaptation by Krzysztof Warlikowski (2003). Looking beyond artistic convention, the interlocutors try to learn more about Michał himself. This is the first time the readers have an opportunity to see his photographs from the Warsaw Ghetto.The conversation is illustrated with numerous archival materials from periods before and after World War Two as well as from German-occupied Poland. „To nie była Ameryka”. Z Michaelem Charlesem Steinlaufem rozmawia Elżbieta Janicka (Warszawa – Nowy Jork – Warszawa, 2014–2015)Urodzony w 1947 roku w Paryżu, Michael Charles Steinlauf opowiada o dzieciństwie spędzonym w Nowym Jorku, na południowym Brooklynie (Brighton Beach), w środowisku ocalałych z Zagłady polskich Żydów. Istotna część jego późniejszych doświadczeń związana była z amerykańską kontrkulturą, Nową Lewicą, studenckim ruchem antywojennym i antyrasistowskim lat sześćdziesiątych (Students for a Democratic Society, SDS) oraz podziemiem antykapitalistycznym lat siedemdziesiątych („Sunfighter”, „No Separate Peace”). W latach osiemdziesiątych, w związku z podjęciem studiów judaistycznych na Brandeis University, Steinlauf przyjechał do Polski, gdzie stał się częścią środowiska opozycji demokratycznej, skupionego wokół Żydowskiego Uniwersytetu Latającego (ŻUL). W III RP miał swój udział w tworzeniu Muzeum Historii Żydów Polskich w Warszawie.Zainteresowania badawcze Michaela C. Steinlaufa ogniskują się wokół twórczości Marka Arnsztejna (Andrzeja Marka), Jicchoka Lejbusza Pereca, teatru jidysz oraz polskich narracji o Zagładzie, którym poświęcił monografię Pamięć nieprzyswojona. Polska pamięć Zagłady (2001, pierwodruk angielski 1997 jako Bondage to the dead: Poland and the memory of the Holocaust). Ważną część rozmowy stanowi spór dotyczący kategorii opisu Zagłady, w tym koncepcji polskiego doświadczenia Zagłady jako traumy zbiorowej. Kontrowersja nie omija zjawisk współczesnych, konceptualizowanych potocznie jako „odrodzenie kultury żydowskiej w Polsce” oraz „dialog polsko-żydowski”.Bohaterem rozmowy jest także Michał Sztajnlauf (1940–1942), przyrodni brat Michaela C. Steinlaufa. Historia braci weszła do kanonu kultury polskiej za sprawą opowiadania Hanny Krall Dybuk (1995) oraz teatralnej inscenizacji Krzysztofa Warlikowskiego pod tym samym tytułem (2003). Abstrahując od konwencji przekazu artystycznego, rozmówcy próbują dowiedzieć się czegoś więcej o samym Michale. Czytelniczki i czytelnicy po raz pierwszy mają możność zobaczyć jego fotografie pochodzące z getta warszawskiego.Rozmowa jest bogato ilustrowana niepublikowanymi dotąd archiwaliami sprzed drugiej wojny światowej i z okresu powojennego, a także z czasów okupacji hitlerowskiej w Polsce.


1996 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard J. Ellis

In the 1960s, the New Left sought to transform American society by mobilizing the most oppressed and excluded groups—blacks, the poor, unemployed youths. This article explores both the causes and consequences of the powerful attraction that the American New Left felt for the oppressed and downtrodden. The political thought and actions of the New Left cannot be reduced to psychological motives but must instead be rooted in the New Left's commitment to radical egalitarian social relations and values. While there is much that can be admired in the New Left's deep and sincere concern for the disadvantaged, the New Left's romance with the oppressed also had darker, illiberal consequences that led many in the New Left to excuse and justify the very sort of oppression they had originally sought to oppose.


2015 ◽  
Vol 67 (6) ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Benjamin Feldman ◽  
John Bellamy Foster

<a href="http://monthlyreview.org/product/monopoly_capital/" target="_blank"><em>Monopoly Capital</em></a> was the principal Marxian, and indeed radical, political-economic work to be published in the 1960s, written by the two most prestigious Marxian economists in the United States and perhaps globally. It grew out of the critique of militarism and imperialism and economic waste as much as out of economic crisis. It was one of the first major works to focus on multinational corporations. Its final chapter emphasized the "irrational system" and was influenced by [Paul] Baran's early background with the Institute for Social Research in Frankfurt. All of this made it extremely influential with the New Left in the United States, particularly its more radical, socialist wing. A good indication of this is Assar Lindbeck's 1971 mainstream attack on what he called <em>The Political Economy of the New Left</em>, which focused almost entirely on <em>Monopoly Capital</em>.<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-6" title="Vol. 67, No. 6: November 2015" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>


1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!


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