”De står som en besætning i et fremmed land.” - Racekrig, besættelse og højrepopulistisk historiepolitik

2018 ◽  
pp. 146-157
Author(s):  
Søren Christensen
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Historical Discourse ◽  
New Politics ◽  
Politics Of History ◽  
Current Mass ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
Basic Features ◽  
Modified Forms

The article discusses one of the ways in which the politics of history is performed by contemporary Western European right-wing populism. This discussion is conducted with reference to Michel Foucault’s analysis of the historical discourse on ’racial war’ of the 17th and 18th centuries. It is argued that, in its most basic features, this discourse is not simply a historically delimited discourse, but a specific form of critique which survives in modified forms within modernity and one of whose contemporary versions is the anti-establishment discourse of right-wing populism. Specifically, the article discusses how the theme of ’occupation’ so central to the discourse on racial war is re-articulated in two instances (Danish and French) of current right-wing populist discourse, not simply with reference to current ’mass immigration’, but also with reference to experiences of occupation during World War II. The article concludes that the age-old theme of occupation is here integrated into a new politics of history which basically concerns the questions of the responsibility for and the heritage from totalitarianism.

scholarly journals Taking the International Spotlight: Pauline Hanson and Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party

2005 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-80
Author(s):  
Kay Saunders
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Scholarly Research ◽  
Left Behind ◽  
History Of ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The University ◽  
Public Lecture

In 2001 I was invited to give a public lecture at the Centre for the Study of the History of the Twentieth Century, a scholarly research institute within the University of Paris. The invitation was extended by Professor Stephane Dufoix, who writes on the internment of enemy aliens in World War II, one of my academic specialisations. However, I was not asked to speak about this area of expertise. Indeed, it turned out to be a ‘Don't mention the war’ event. Rather, Professor Dufoix and his colleagues were fascinated by Pauline Hanson and were interested in an Australian perspective on the rise of extreme right-wing populism and the Down Under equivalent of the French les laissés-pour-compte (‘those left behind’) or les paumés (‘the losers’).

scholarly journals Support the Troops: Gulf War Homecomings and a New Politics of Military Celebration

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
David Fitzgerald
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
The United States ◽  
Small Towns ◽  
Gulf War ◽  
Persian Gulf War ◽  
World War ◽  
American Military ◽  
New Politics ◽  
Vietnam Era ◽  
The Persian Gulf

The celebrations that took place in the aftermath of the Persian Gulf War of 1991 stood out as the largest seen in the United States since the end of World War II, as hundreds of thousands of troops marched in triumphant parades in almost every major American city and in hundreds of small towns. But the pageantry did not simply celebrate American military and technological prowess. Spectators at these parades also engaged in a novel form of patriotism that emphasized unquestioning support for the troops. Representing a crucial moment in the American public's deepening veneration for U.S. soldiers and veterans, the Gulf War celebrations marked a turning point when the Vietnam-era image of the soldier as a broken or rebellious draftee was finally and purposefully eclipsed by the notion of the volunteer service member as hero.

Karl Renner and the Politics of Accommodation: Moderation versus Revenge

1991 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 35-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Loewenberg
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
First Republic ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Right

Karl Renner's political life encompasses the history of Austria's empire and her two twentieth-century republics, making him the foremost leader of Austrian democratic politics. Renner was also the most innovative theoretician on the nationalities question which plagued the Habsburg monarchy and the twentieth-century world. He was chancellor of Austria's first republic, leader of the right-wing Social Democrats, and president of the post-World War II Second Republic. A study of his life and politics offers a perspective on the origins of the moderate, adaptive, political personality and on the tension between ideology and accommodation to the point where it is difficult to determine what core of principle remained.

scholarly journals Ready for the Homeland

2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Katarina Damcevic ◽  
Filip Rodik
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
The Other ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Historical Revisionism ◽  
Communicative Functions ◽  
The World ◽  
Facebook Pages ◽  
The Way

The article analyzes nationalistically motivated online hate speech on selected right-wing public Facebook pages in Croatia. The rise of historical revisionism and populism paved the way for the growing presence of hate speech, with the most salient example being the resurfacing of the World War II fascist salute Za dom spremni (“Ready for the Homeland”) across different communicative situations. We account for the online dynamic of Za dom spremni as well as for the most frequent expressions of xenophobia that accompany the salute by presenting data gathered between 2012 – 2017 using Facebook Graph API. From the total of 4.5 million postings published by readers, those containing Za dom spremni and its variations were filtered and followed by the frequency and prevalence of the accompanying notions. By relying on cultural semiotics, we highlight the socio-communicative functions of hate speech on two levels. Firstly, the notion of the semiosphere helps us illustrate how hate speech is used to reproduce the idea of Croatianness as the dominant self-description. Secondly, we examine how the dominant self-description maintains the boundary between us and the other by merging diverse textual fragments and how their perseverance depends on the communicative situations they enter online.

scholarly journals Introduction

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bach ◽  
Benjamin Nienass
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Air War ◽  
Economic Miracle ◽  
The Past ◽  
National Body ◽  
Post War ◽  
War Victims ◽  
The Great War

Innocence is central to German memory politics; indeed, one can say that the German memory landscape is saturated with claims of innocence. The Great War is commonly portrayed as a loss of innocence, while the Nazis sought, in their way, to reclaim that innocence by proclaiming Germany as the innocent victim. After World War II, denazification and courts established administrative and legal boundaries within which claims of innocence could be formulated and adjudicated, while the “zero hour” and “economic miracle” established a basis for a different form of reclaiming innocence, one roundly critiqued by Theodor W. Adorno in his essay “What Does Coming to Terms with the Past Mean?”1 In the 1980s, Chancellor Helmut Kohl’s famous pronouncement of the “grace [Gnade] of a late birth” (also translatable as “mercy,” “pardon,” or “blessing”) became the touchstone for a resurgence of war children’s (Kriegskinder) memory. In the 1990s, the myth of the Wehrmacht as largely innocent of atrocities was publicly challenged. Today, rightwing critiques that cast Holocaust remembrance as a politics of shame draw upon tropes of innocence, of German air war victims and post-war generations, while right-wing images of migrants are cast in classic forms of threats to the purity of the “national body” (Volkskörper). The quickening pace of contemporary debates over Germany’s colonial past pointedly questions the innocence of today’s beneficiaries of colonialism, drawing attention to the borders and contours of implication.

Paul Bunyan and the “Frozen Logger”

2020 ◽  
pp. 180-240
Author(s):  
Michael Goldfield
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
The Other ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
The South ◽  
Wood Industry ◽  
National Office

Chapter 5 highlights the wood industry, one of the largest industries in the country. Most of the woodworkers were located in the South, and half of those workers were African-American. Woodworkers successfully organized in the Northwest and Canada, the other two centers of the industry. Despite a perceived willingness of southern woodworkers to unionize, this did not happen. The chapter attributes most of the problems to an incompetent, right-wing, racially backward leadership, which was installed by the CIO national office before World War II. The chapter also argues that the successful organization of southern woodworkers had the potential to radically transform the civil rights movement.

Nationalism, Collaboration, and Resistance: France under Nazi Occupation

2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Adam Kocher ◽  
Adria K. Lawrence ◽  
Nuno P. Monteiro
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
International Context ◽  
Nazi Occupation ◽  
Foreign Intervention

Does nationalism produce resistance to foreign military occupation? The existing literature suggests that it does. Nationalism, however, also can lead to acquiescence and even to active collaboration with foreign conquerors. Nationalism can produce a variety of responses to occupation because political leaders connect nationalist motivations to other political goals. A detailed case study of the German occupation of France during World War II demonstrates these claims. In this highly nationalistic setting, Vichy France entered into collaboration with Germany despite opportunities to continue fighting in 1940 or defect from the German orbit later. Collaboration with Germany was widely supported by French elites and passively accommodated by the mass of nationalistic French citizens. Because both resisters and collaborators were French nationalists, nationalism cannot explain why collaboration was the dominant French response or why a relatively small number of French citizens resisted. Variation in who resisted and when resistance occurred can be explained by the international context and domestic political competition. Expecting a German victory in the war, French right-wing nationalists chose collaboration with the Nazis as a means to suppress and persecute their political opponents, the French Left. In doing so, they fostered resistance. This case suggests the need for a broader reexamination of the role of nationalism in explaining reactions to foreign intervention.

The Problem with White Hipness: Race, Gender, and Cultural Conceptions in Jazz Historical Discourse

1995 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 396-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ingrid Monson
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
World War ◽  
Amiri Baraka ◽  
Historical Discourse ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Cultural Life ◽  
Jazz History ◽  
Moral Debate ◽  
And Gender

This essay situates hipness within a broader range of African American history and moral debate than is generally presented in accounts of jazz history. The perspectives of Amiri Baraka, Mezz Mezzrow, Norman Mailer, and Dizzy Gillespie are used to develop the thesis that there is a problem with white presumptions about how hipness relates to African American cultural life and history. This problem requires addressing interrelationships between race and gender, as well as the legacy of primitivism embedded in common assumptions about how jazz since World War II relates to social consciousness, sexual liberation, and dignity.

TOP-DOWN RELIGION AND THE DESIGN OF POST-WORLD WAR II AMERICAN PLURALISM

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 233-243
Author(s):  
R. LAURENCE MOORE
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
American Culture ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central Component ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Islamic Movements ◽  
The Subject

Academics are falsely rumored to have a low regard for religion. Although Richard Dawkins and Christopher Hitchens, authors of The God Delusion and God Is Not Great, respectively, made atheism a best-selling subject in the United States, it is not coincidental that Hitchens and Dawkins are English. They were educated in a country where a strident antipathy toward religion is not unpatriotic. American atheists with as much brass are rare. Kicking religion around cannot be an American sport because, from colonial to contemporary times, religion has been a central component of American culture. To be sure, a lot of scholarly criticism has been directed at right-wing Christian and Islamic movements. But scholars whose personal views on faith incline them to echo Hitchens's mordant formula that “religion poisons everything” should probably look for a country other than the United States to study. The recent books of historians and sociologists of American religion have taken a tone toward the subject that has ranged from gentle to friendly.

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