scholarly journals „DET KRÆVER NU ENGANG EN MAND OG EN KVINDE“: Køn, seksualitet og slægtskab i den politiske debat om homoseksuelles forældreegnethed

2004 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maruska la Cour Mosegaard
Keyword(s):  
Gender And Sexuality ◽  
The Political ◽  
Homosexual Men ◽  
Heterosexual Intercourse ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
The Family ◽  
Controversial Topic ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Kinship Ties ◽  
Point Of Departure

In Denmark same sex parenthood is a highly controversial topic. Taking this controversy as a point of departure the article discusses kinship as a negotiated and politicised field. While homosexual men are increasingly becoming fathers and parents, their fatherhood is still surrounded with silence in political debates, which focus mainly on lesbian motherhood. By exploring how notions of kinship, gender and sexuality are intersected in the political debates regarding homosexuals’ access to parenthood, the article explores this apparent invisibility of homosexual fathers. The political debates provide a window on the contemporary negotiation of kinship ties and obligations, and touch upon the boundaries of “the family”. The article concludes that the silence surrounding homosexual fathers is a question of both their (homo)sexuality and their gender. Both homosexual men and women have difficulties in access to parenthood and are excluded from the definition of family contained in Danish law, because they cannot uphold the notion of kinship as symbolized by heterosexual intercourse. In addition the wishes of fatherhood held by gay men are – because of their being men – ignored since parenthood in a Danish context still is synonymous with motherhood.  

scholarly journals THE PROTECTION OF THE RICH AGAINST THE POOR: THE POLITICS OF ADAM SMITH’S POLITICAL ECONOMY

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 138-158
Author(s):  
James A. Harris
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
General Attitude ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Natural Forms ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Point Of Departure

AbstractMy point of departure in this essay is Smith’s definition of government. “Civil government,” he writes, “so far as it is instituted for the security of property, is in reality instituted for the defence of the rich against the poor, or of those who have some property against those who have none at all.” First I unpack Smith’s definition of government as the protection of the rich against the poor. I argue that, on Smith’s view, this is always part of what government is for. I then turn to the question of what, according to Smith, our governors can do to protect the wealth of the rich from the resentment of the poor. I consider, and reject, the idea that Smith might conceive of education as a means of alleviating the resentment of the poor at their poverty. I then describe how, in his lectures on jurisprudence, Smith refines and develops Hume’s taxonomy of the opinions upon which all government rests. The sense of allegiance to government, according to Smith, is shaped by instinctive deference to natural forms of authority as well as by rational, Whiggish considerations of utility. I argue that it is the principle of authority that provides the feelings of loyalty upon which government chiefly rests. It follows, I suggest, that to the extent that Smith looked to government to protect the property of the rich against the poor, and thereby to maintain the peace and stability of society at large, he cannot have sought to lessen the hold on ordinary people of natural sentiments of deference. In addition, I consider the implications of Smith’s theory of government for the question of his general attitude toward poverty. I argue against the view that Smith has recognizably “liberal,” progressive views of how the poor should be treated. Instead, I locate Smith in the political culture of the Whiggism of his day.

Masculinity Left to Be Desired

Contracultura ◽  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Dunn
Keyword(s):  
Gender Roles ◽  
Female Sexuality ◽  
Cultural Practices ◽  
Gender And Sexuality ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Repression ◽  
Brazilian Society ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
Sexual Repression

Chapter Five explores social and cultural practices that challenged traditional conventions of gender and sexuality in Brazilian society. In the late 1970s, emergent feminist and gay movements succeeded in expanding the range of leftist political debates to include discussions around gender roles, sexual desire, corporal pleasure, and other issues previously regarded as personal or private and therefore outside the realm of the political. These activists sought to link political repression to diverse forms of sexual repression such as the maintenance of male dominated gender relations, the policing of female sexuality, or the violent suppression of homosexuality. Here the author draws on the alternative press, especially the largest gay journal Lampião da Esquina. He examines here the influential work by performers who subverted gender norms, like former tropicalists Caetano Veloso and Gilberto Gil, the gender-bending troupe Dzi Croquettes, and gay icon Ney Matogrosso. The author also discusses left-wing intellectuals, including former guerillas such as Fernando Gabeira, who sought to redefine notions of masculinity during the final phase of military rule.

scholarly journals The Limits of Equality The Intersectionality of Gender and Sexuality in Spanish Policy Making

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raquel Platero Méndez
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Gender And Sexuality ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Political Intersectionality ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Law Texts

In the course of less than forty  years, the Spanish political and cultural scenario has changed drastically, particularly in relation to civil rights. Social movements, especially feminist and LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender) organizations, have been successful in putting demands on the political agenda that have translated into gender equality, same-sex and transgender laws. Looking at definitions of equality, this article explores the implications of some postmodern theories that promote the analysis of political intersectionality for some of the recent laws that are presented as progressive and transformative in Spanish policy making. The analysis will explore two case studies:  samesex marriage and equality policy law texts, discussing the conception of intersectionality and equality. In addition, the definition of the feminist political strategy in which these policies are framed is addressed. Both case studies show that the policies are conceptualized within a liberal and assimilationist framework, since neither the male norm nor the sexual order is profoundly questioned.

A Phenomenological Approach Towards the Analysis of Politics

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 103-123
Author(s):  
Christian Etzrodt ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Phenomenological Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
Political Discourse Analysis ◽  
Discourse Strategies ◽  
Definition Of

The goal of this paper is to develop a consistent framework for a phenomenological discourse analysis of political debates. The political sphere arises through the questioning of taken-for-granted definitions of reality: a crisis. During a crisis meaning has to be restored, and different interest groups will try to push their definition of reality, which is advantageous for them. For the analysis of such a political discourse phenomenology provides several tools that can help us to understand the background of the discourse, the severity of the crisis, the level of expertise of the participants, the source of the information, discourse strategies and what arguments the audience accepts. These tools allow a unique phenomenological approach towards political discourse analysis.

scholarly journals The Political as Presence: On Agonism in Citizenship Education

2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 252-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ásgeir Tryggvason
Keyword(s):  
Citizenship Education ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Democratic Citizenship Education ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Political Emotions ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Point Of Departure ◽  
Political Disputes

In recent years, an agonistic approach to citizenship education has been put forward as a way of educating democratic citizens. Claudia W. Ruitenberg (2009) has developed such an approach and takes her starting point in Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic theory. Ruitenberg highlights how political emotions and political disputes can be seen as central for a vibrant democratic citizenship education. The aim of this paper is to critically explore and further develop the concepts of political emotions and political disputes as central components of an agonistic approach. In order to do this, I return to Mouffe’s point of departure in the concept of the political. By drawing on Michael Marder’s (2010) notion of enmity, I suggest how “the presence of the other” can be seen as a vital aspect of the political in citizenship education. By not abandoning the concept of enmity, and with the notion of presence in the foreground, I argue that Ruitenberg’s definition of political emotions needs to be formulated in a way that includes emotions revolving around one’s own existence as a political being. Moreover, I argue that in order to further develop the agonistic approach, the emphasis on the verbalization of opinions in political disputes needs to be relaxed, as it limits the political dimension in education and excludes crucial political practices, such as exodus.

In the wake of the plebeian revolt: Social movements, ‘progressive’ governments, and the politics of autonomy in Latin America

2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 474-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandro Mezzadra ◽  
Verónica Gago
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Everyday Life ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
History Of ◽  
Point Of Departure

The article takes the debates surrounding the ‘politics of autonomy’ in Latin America as its point of departure and investigates the transformations of the political notion of autonomy against the background of developments that have characterized the so-called long decade of the new ‘progressive governments’ in the region. Moving beyond the alternative between ‘conflict’ and ‘cooptation’ that has shaped academic and political debates on the topic, the authors analyze the relations between ‘social movements’ and ‘progressive governments’ from the angle of the transformations of capitalism in Latin America and of emerging new forms of activism rooted within everyday life (particularly within ‘popular economies”). The article critically discusses such notions as neoliberalism and neo-extractivism in order to build an analytical framework within which to reconstruct the history of Latin American social movements since the early 2000s and to test the productivity and the limits of the very notion of ‘social movement’ in the present political conjuncture.

Political corruption and scandal

2018 ◽  
pp. 103-123
Author(s):  
James L. Newell
Keyword(s):  
Political Corruption ◽  
The Political ◽  
Comprehensive Understanding ◽  
Working Definition ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Point Of Departure ◽  
Political Scandal

The chapter takes its point of departure from the fact that corruption is by definition an illegitimate activity and therefore likely to remain hidden. If revealed, therefore, it may give rise to scandal. But corruption and scandal are related in complex ways. In order to disentangle them the chapter considers, first, a working definition of scandal as this makes it possible to identify its main characteristics and thus the conditions that have to be fulfilled in order for a scandal to be ignited. It then considers how scandals are brought into being, what their consequences are and how, through the mas media, they unfold. Its argument is that having a comprehensive understanding of the significance of corruption as a phenomenon requires an exploration of how the political scandal it may produce typically develops, as it is through scandal that corruption has some of its most significant impacts.

scholarly journals DOMESTIC VIOLENCE IN UKRAINE AS A CRIMINOLOGICAL PROBLEM

2019 ◽  
pp. 197-201
Author(s):  
I. H. Bohatyrov ◽  
M. H. Kuznetsov
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Violence ◽  
Sexual Violence ◽  
Poverty Line ◽  
The Political ◽  
Urgent Problem ◽  
Social Standards ◽  
Voluntary Consent ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Law ◽  
Definition Of

The problem of domestic violence remains an urgent problem for all countries of the world, Ukraine is no exception. Unfortunately, the political and economic processes that take place in the 21st century in our state negatively affect the family and its derivative institutions. This includes an increase in the number of families who find themselves below the poverty line, regular fights and quarrels that create conflicts in the family, the spread of alcoholism, drug addiction and prostitution, a decrease in the role and influence of the state, and a change in social standards for itself Institute of the family. Among the main signs of domestic violence is the intentionality of committing and causing physical, psychological, economic harm and the like. In addition, there are reasons that prevent the victim of violence from leaving the offender, among which are: the lack of alternatives to another residence; property and financial dependence; desire to save a family; acquired helplessness syndrome; unwillingness to stop destructive marriage and more. Domestic violence is the result of deliberate actions of the person who commits it and which is supported by aggression and the desire to do harm, and not by the desire to unleash the domestic conflict through reconciliation. In 2017, the VerkhovnaRada of Ukraine adopted the new Law of Ukraine “On the Prevention and Counteraction of Domestic Violence” normatively enshrined the definition of domestic violence, according to which act (action or inaction) of physical, sexual, psychological or economic violence that occurs in the family or within the place of residence or between relatives, or between former or current spouses, or between other persons who together live (lived) the same family, but are not (were not) in the family wearing or married to each other, regardless of whether the person who committed domestic violence lives in the same place as the injured person, as well as the threat of such acts. The article notes that the latest in the country’s legislation is sexual violence. Legislative innovations, in particular, reinforce an updated approach to crimes against sexual freedom and integrity: the concept of “voluntary consent” and the fact of “penetration” are introduced – the distinction between rape and other forms of sexual violence. The law provides for consent to intimacy even from a man or wife. It is proved that violence, of course, under any conditions, is a crime. And therefore, the lack of a clear definition in the law causes incorrect qualifications and, accordingly, inappropriate responses of state bodies to criminal acts.

scholarly journals Definición jurídica de la familia en el derecho romano : legal definition of the family in roman law

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mª Eva Fernández Baquero
Keyword(s):  
Family Law ◽  
Roman Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legal Institution ◽  
Roman Society ◽  
Cultural Transformations ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Family ◽  
Legal Texts ◽  
Definition Of

A diferencia de las declaraciones genéricas de la actual legislación internacional que evita definir a la familia, en las fuentes jurídicas romanas contamos con definiciones de familia en los textos jurídicos. Ello otorgó a la sociedad romana dar la suficiente seguridad para consolidar los pilares fundamentales del Derecho de Familia en el Derecho Romano. Y es que, en Roma como en la actualidad, la familia –como institución jurídica– no fue inmutable, sufrió cambios importantes a lo largo de los siglos en función de las transformaciones políticas, sociales y culturales. Sin embargo, y a diferencia del Derecho actual, dichos cambios tuvieron siempre presente el contenido sustancial y jurídico de lo que implica la idea primordial de la familia pues, dichas definiciones jurídicas, sirvieron como punto de partida para encontrar nuevas soluciones.Unlike generic statements of current international legislation that avoid defining family, in Roman legal sources there are definitions of family in legal texts. This granted Roman society sufficient certainty to consolidate the fundamental pillars of family law in Roman law. And in Rome, as at the present, the family – as a legal institution – was not immutable, it suffered major changes over the centuries on the basis of the political, social and cultural transformations. However, and contrary to current law, changes always had present substantial and legal content of what the primary idea of family was because such legal definitions served as a starting point to finding new solutions.

The Conservative Backlash against Gender in Latin America

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Flávia Biroli ◽  
Mariana Caminotti
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Costa Rica ◽  
Gender And Sexuality ◽  
Natural Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
The Public ◽  
National Values ◽  
The Family

Gender is central to the political disputes in Latin America today. Although conflicts concerning women and LGBTQ rights are not new, only recently have they become a dividing line in the public identities of parties, politicians, and candidates. The second decade of the 2000s brought the opposition to gender forward in the platforms of far-right movements and leaders, raising popular support as they mobilized conservative frameworks and antagonized feminist and LGBTQ activism. Their promises to protect the family from a supposed moral disorder made gender a popular category, strategically presented as an “ideology” threatening children, marriage, the natural order, and national values. Elections such as those in Brazil and Costa Rica in 2018 indicate that conflicts concerning gender and sexuality can also produce new electoral cleavages.

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