scholarly journals Mezietnický a občanský aspekt oslav státních svátků v Kyrgyzstánu

2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-60
Author(s):  
Zhyldyz Kaarbaeva ◽  

This article presents research on interethnic relations conducted in southern Kyrgyzstan. This research was primarily concerned with the study of relations between ethnic Kyrgyz and Uzbeks in various spheres of relations between the two ethnic groups since the 1980s. The research examined the factors of improvement of the interethnic situation in the region and the conditions of ethnic and civic self-identification of various ethnic groups of southern Kyrgyzstan. The aim of the article is to show how some official state holidays can play a positive role in strengthening the unity of ethnic diversity among the citizens of Kyrgyzstan and in promoting their civic identity.

Author(s):  
Lyubov V. Ostapenko ◽  
Roman A. Starchenko ◽  
Irina A. Subbotina

Young people’s participation in optimizing interethnic relations is becoming particularly important in the face of growing interethnic tension, a rise of distrust and suspicion between countries and nations. Based on the analysis of data from the survey carried out among Muscovites aged 16-29, the article is aimed at showing the scale and nature of interethnic interaction between the Russian population of the capital and representatives of other ethnic groups in Moscow, attitude towards such contacts in different spheres of life (including interethnic marriages), young people’s evaluation of the interethnic situation in the city and opinion on the reasons for its instability.


Author(s):  
Meenaxi Barkataki-Ruscheweyh

The second chapter is a general introduction, both geographical as well as historical, to the ‘Tirap’ area where the Tangsa live in Assam. It also contains a description of the ethnic diversity of the area, where tribal groups such as the Tangsa, the Singpho, the Sema Naga and the Tai Phake live together with other communities such as the Nepali, the Ahoms and the Tea-tribes; Also discussed are the problems that the older tribal groups face as a result of the large number of new settlers coming to the area, the consequent gradual polarisation that is taking place there, and the state’s reaction to the prevailing situation, which finds expression in two events—first in the organization of the annual state-sponsored multi-ethnic Dihing-Patkai Festival in that area and secondly in the recent formation of a Development Council for eight ethnic groups (including the Tangsa). The coming of Baptist Christianity amongst the Tangsa and a brief summary of militant activities of the two insurgent organizations, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) and the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), active in the region, are also discussed. The final section introduces the problems that arise due to the Assamese hegemonic attitudes towards the smaller ethnic groups living in Assam.


2000 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 343-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ainura Elebayeva ◽  
Nurbek Omuraliev ◽  
Rafis Abazov

The main objective of the ethnic policy of the government of Kyrgyzstan in the post-Soviet era was a consolidation of all people and ethnic groups on the territory of the Republic into the Kyrgyzstani nation. Such a goal is important for any nation that has just gained independence, but for the Kyrgyz Republic it was an especially important task for several reasons. First, the multiethnic composition of the country: in 1991 the Kyrgyzs, or the titular nation of the Republic, constituted roughly 52% of the population, there were around 22% Russians, and the Uzbeks represented 13% of the population. Second, interethnic relations in the Republic were especially tense at the beginning of the 1990s because of the interethnic conflicts in the southern regions of the Republic in 1989 and 1990.1 Third, the Kyrgyzs themselves lacked national cohesiveness and they often defined themselves as members of different tribes or tribal groups with distinct dialects, dress, and political affiliations.


Al-Albab ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-106
Author(s):  
Alanuari Alanuari ◽  
Mohammad Iqbal Ahnaf

This paper begins by questioning the sustainability of civic engagement with the notion of ‘social capital’ as the key concept of Peace and Conflict Studies. The main question is: to what extent does socio-political tension affect forms of civic engagement? This paper examines interethnic relations (Dayak, Malay, Chinese, and Javanese) developed in the Stella Maris Credit Union (SMCU) in Pontianak, West Kalimantan, Indonesia under the context of ethnic tension. SMCU is a microfinance association where people with various backgrounds (religion, race, and ethnicity) interact in an economic community, sharing benefits and values. In the beginning, SMCU was initiated as an economic program of Stella Maris Catholic Church in North Pontianak. This church did not only serve the church members, but also for all ethnicities and religions through Pontianak. As a site drastically impacted by ethnic conflict in the post-Suharto era, Pontianak recently has been growing as a city of ethnic diversity. However, the recent rise of ethnic tension has contested this growing multiethnic coexistence. It is important to see the strength of civic engagement in responding to issues of conflict in a multiethnic society. This study explores SMCU members and their personal experiences, wondering whether the tension may or may not affect the forms of civic engagement. It argues civic engagement can sustain under the moment of socio-political tension. Developing economy and peace education are the main reasons for interethnic relations among SMCU members. Moreover, although there are treats for the plural society, experiencing diversity in the form of associational and neighborhood relations contributes to social coexistence. This study finds that forms of civic engagement among the members shape expressions and attitudes of resilience in facing social tension.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-151
Author(s):  
N. A. Baranov ◽  
Sevgi Kok

Kazakhstan, like most of the multi-ethnic post-Soviet states, in the course of state building, faced the problem of rallying the peoples living in the Republic. Two interrelated projects were being implemented on the political agenda of Kazakhstan: the construction of state institutions and the formation of a civil nation. In a multi-ethnic state, the project of a civil nation is difficult due to the attempts of the titular ethnic group to obtain additional advantages, which causes tension in interethnic relations. The identification of the population, often, occurs by ethnicity, therefore, the policy of civic identity in Kazakhstan is opposed to the “Kazakhization” of language, culture, and social practices. Nevertheless, the process of unification of the nation is successfully developing in the Republic, initiated by the political elite of Kazakhstan. Achievement of national unity was declared a strategic priority in the development of the country. The article analyzes the factors affecting collective identity in the Republic of Kazakhstan: demographic diversity, language policy, state symbols. The article concludes that Kazakhstan is building its statehood based on the domination of the Kazakh ethnic elite, while pursuing a policy of uniting different ethnic groups into a single Kazakh nation.


In Tra Vinh province where groups of ethnic living together for hundreds of years, the Khmer keep a major role in social development. With the aim of showing how strong of interethnic relations in here, this paper provides a review of ethnicity theory, in which ethnic study approaches are the focused. Besides analyzing primary documents of Khmer ethnic in Tra Vinh such as population, current living conditions, there are interviews to assess Khmer’s opinions about interethnic relations. It is important to examine diversity in relation to living conditions that may influence how Khmer respond to the ethnic diversity within Tra Vinh context.


2017 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 217-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Lea Robinson

AbstractEthnic diversity is generally associated with less social capital and lower levels of trust. However, most empirical evidence for this relationship is focused on generalized trust, rather than more theoretically appropriate measures of group-based trust. This article evaluates the relationship between ethnic diversity – at the national, regional and local levels – and the degree to which coethnics are trusted more than non-coethnics, a value referred to here as the ‘coethnic trust premium’. Using public opinion data from sixteen African countries, this study finds that citizens of ethnically diverse states express, on average, more ethnocentric trust. However, within countries, regional ethnic diversity is associated with less ethnocentric trust. This same negative pattern between diversity and ethnocentric trust appears across districts and enumeration areas within Malawi. The article then shows, consistent with these patterns, that diversity is only detrimental to intergroup trust at the national level when ethnic groups are spatially segregated. These results highlight the importance of the spatial distribution of ethnic groups on intergroup relations, and question the utility of micro-level studies of interethnic interactions for understanding macro-level group dynamics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-63
Author(s):  
Laura Quaynor ◽  
Bright Borkorm

This article investigates the relationships between ethnonational identity and educational level in three West African contexts: Liberia, Ghana, and Côte d’Ivoire. Citizens in these neighboring countries identify with overlapping ethnic groups, but have varied historical experiences, with Americans settling in Liberia; the British colonizing Ghana, and the French colonizing Côte d’Ivoire. In the recent era, Côte d’Ivoire elected an opposition leader at the end of its civil war in 2010; Ghana is considered as the most stable democracy in West Africa; and Liberia experienced two protracted conflicts over the past 30 years and completed its first peaceful transition of power in 2017. We analyze 2014 Afrobarometer data from these three countries to consider if respondents are more likely to value local identities, national identities, or equally value both in each context, and how these valuations vary according to schooling experiences and national context. The findings do not show a linear relationship between education and civic identity, as more respondents who completed only primary school identified primarily with ther national group than those who completed secondary school. Most respondents who completed graduate study in all three countries identified with both their national and ethnic group; none identified primarily with their ethnic groups. In addition, the trends in identity and schooling in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire are more similar to each other than to Liberia.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward C. Polson ◽  
Kevin D. Dougherty

Religious participation has reinforced the color line in American society for generations. Despite rising racial and ethnic diversity across U.S. communities, most Americans continue to belong to congregations composed primarily of others from their own racial/ethnic groups. Yet recent scholarship suggests that the presence of multiple racial or ethnic groups in the same congregation is increasing. The authors examine how the racial/ethnic composition of U.S. congregations is related to white attenders’ friendship networks and comfort with other racial/ethnic groups (i.e., blacks, Hispanics, and Asians). Using national survey data, the authors find that whites in multiracial congregations report more diverse friendship networks and higher levels of comfort with nonwhites than do whites in nonmultiracial congregations. However, the influence of worshipping with another race/ethnicity seems to be most pronounced for whites in congregations with Hispanics. Moreover, neighbors and friends of other races have more impact on whites’ friendship networks and attitudes than do congregations. The authors discuss implications of these findings for understanding U.S. intergroup relations and the potential of congregations to address the color line.


2017 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-253 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henar Criado ◽  
Francisco Herreros ◽  
Luis Miller ◽  
Paloma Ubeda

Conflicting theories and mixed empirical results exist on the relationship between ethnic diversity and trust. This article argues that these mixed empirical results might be driven by contextual conditions. We conjecture that political competition could strengthen ethnic saliency and, in turn, salient ethnic identities can activate or intensify in-group trust and depress trust in members of other ethnic groups. We test this conjecture using the move toward secession in Catalonia, Spain. We conduct trust experiments across ethnic lines in Catalonia before and during the secessionist process. After three years of proindependence mobilization in Catalonia, one of the ethnic groups, Spanish speakers living in Catalonia, has indeed increased its in-group trust. This result is robust after a set of individual-level variables are controlled for, but no equivalent result is found in a comparable region, the Basque Country.


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