scholarly journals ‘No Sense of Reality’

2018 ◽  
Vol 107 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-239
Author(s):  
Kirk Niergarth
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
International Comparison ◽  
National Government ◽  
Partisan Politics ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Public ◽  
Coalition Governments ◽  
Sense Of Reality ◽  
The Right ◽  
Insight Into

In 1936 George Drew, future Premier of Ontario, was greatly concerned that a false and very dangerous impression of the Russian experiment in government was being spread in Ontario. So he traveled to Russia in 1937 where he confirmed his preconceived ideas with first-hand observation. For him, toleration of domestic communism could lead either to the horrors of Stalin’s USSR or to the fascism of Hitler or Mussolini. Canada’s best option, he felt, was to follow Britain in ending partisan politics and establishing a “National Government.” Thus, in the 1930s, he worked, unsuccessfully, to create coalition governments in Toronto and Ottawa. This article concludes that the lens through which Drew viewed the USSR can be reversed to gain insight into the Canadian political culture of which he was a part. The right-wing solutions that Drew advocated were conveyed to the public through international comparison and analogy based on Drew’s eye-witness account of his European tour.

“Are You Willing to Die for This Work?” Public Targeted Online Harassment in Higher Education: SWS Presidential Address

2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abby L. Ferber
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Contextual Factors ◽  
Presidential Address ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Unique Form ◽  
Online Harassment ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Right ◽  
Insight Into

This address examines a growing problem in academia: the public targeted online harassment of faculty. This harassment, organized and carried out by the alt-right and supported by other sectors of the right wing across the spectrum from mainstream to extreme, are intended to silence faculty and censor the curriculum. I examine a range of contextual factors that have facilitated this phenomenon, and discuss the experiences of seven other people, as well as myself, all with connections to higher education, that have experienced this unique form of attack. These conversations provide insight into the patterns evident in the form of the attack, individual and university responses, and informed the creation of lists of recommendations for those experiencing, preparing, and responding to attacks.

Journalists’ Misjudgement of Audience Opinion

2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110522
Author(s):  
David Nicolas Hopmann ◽  
Andreas R.T. Schuck
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Public Support ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
The Public ◽  
Federal States ◽  
Voting Age ◽  
The Right

Prior studies have reported a right-leaning bias in the media’s reporting of how the public thinks of political issues, raising the question: Why, and to what extent, is this the case? One reason in particular has been discussed in this regard: Journalists judge public opinion to be more right leaning than it actually is (Beckers et al. 2021; Lewis et al. 2004). This paper therefore studies to what extent journalists misjudge audience opinion. The analyses are based on large-scale representative surveys of journalists (1993/2005) and the voting-age population (1994/2005) in Germany. Results show that German journalists (mis-)judge audience opinion to be more right-leaning than the audience sees itself. The results also show that journalists judge audience opinion to be to the right of their own stances, and that journalists in federal states with a right-leaning government and in West Germany judge audience opinion to be even further to the right. Audience feedback does not push journalists’ judgements of their audience towards the right, however. These results are discussed vis-à-vis research showing that there is a consistent bias in the depiction of opinions expressed by ordinary citizens, and research documenting that political elites overestimate public support for right-wing policies.

Privatization—Chipping Away at Government

2020 ◽  
pp. 106-128
Author(s):  
Donald Cohen
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
Public Services ◽  
The United States ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
The Public ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
Policy Debates ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Right

This chapter focuses on the right wing's astonishingly successful efforts to privatize public goods and services. Privatization has been one of the highest priorities of the right wing for many years, and the chapter shows how it threatens both labor and democracy. Intentionally blurring the lines between public and private institutions, private companies and market forces undermine the common good. This chapter documents the history of privatization in the United States, from President Reagan's early efforts to Clinton and Gore's belief in private markets. Showing how privatization undermines democratic government, the chapter describes complex contracts that are difficult to understand, poorly negotiated “public–private partnership” deals, and contracts that provide incentives to deny public services. With huge amounts of money at stake, privateers are increasingly weighing in on policy debates—not based on the public interest but rather in pursuit of avenues that increase their revenues, profits, and market share. Privatization not only destroys union jobs but also aims to cripple union political involvement so that the corporate agenda can spread unfettered. Nevertheless, community-based battles against privatization have succeeded in many localities, demonstrating the power of fighting back to defend public services, public jobs, and democratic processes.

Romania

2019 ◽  
pp. 388-434
Author(s):  
Laurențiu Ștefan
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Party System ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Coalition Governments ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Right

In Romania, a highly segmented and extremely volatile party system has contributed to a predominance of coalition governments. Alternation in power by coalitions led by either left-wing or right-wing parties used to be a major feature of Romanian governments. Thus, until a short-lived grand coalition in 2009, ideologically homogeneous coalitions were the general practice. Since then, parties from the right and left of the political spectrum have learned to work together in government. Given the semi-presidential nature of the political regime and the exclusive power to nominate the prime minister, the Romanian president plays an important role in coalition formation. The president also plays a pivotal role by shadowing the prime minister and therefore influencing the governance of coalitions. She has the power to veto ministerial appointments and therefore she can also shape the cabinet line-up. Pre-election coalitions are a common feature, more than two-thirds of Romanian coalition governments have been predicated on such agreements. Coalition agreements dealt with both policy issues and coalition decision-making bodies and the governance mechanisms that have been in most cases enforced and complied with—until the break-up of the coalition and the downfall of the respective government. One very common decision-making body is the Coalition Committee, which has been backed on the operational level by an inner cabinet made up of the prime minister and the deputy prime ministers, which usually are the heads of the junior coalition parties.

Recurring ideas: Searching for the roots of right-wing populism in Eastern Europe

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 989-997
Author(s):  
Dorota Szelewa
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Individual Responsibility ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Domestic Sphere ◽  
The Public ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
Biological Reproduction ◽  
The Right ◽  
Communist Countries

The main sets of ideas that dominated discourses on market-making and democratization in Eastern Europe during the 1990s concerned: first, the superiority of market-led mechanisms of exchange and distribution with individual responsibility and entrepreneurship; and second, the conservative gender order, with women disappearing from the public domain, now being responsible for domestic sphere and the biological reproduction of the nation. Suppressed when these countries were on the path for joining the European Union, the ideas have been now recurring in a new form, representing the basis for the right-wing populist turn in several of the post-communist countries.

scholarly journals Where feminists dare. The challenge to the hetero-patriarchal and neo-conservative backlash in Italy and Poland

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1S) ◽  
pp. 38S-66S
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Bielska-Brodziak ◽  
◽  
Marlena Drapalska-Grochowicz ◽  
Caterina Peroni ◽  
Elisa Rapetti ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Reproductive Rights ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Feminist Movement ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Sexual Citizenship ◽  
New Paradigm ◽  
Global Crisis ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Right

This paper focuses on the public debate in Poland and Italy concerning the right to abortion in the contemporary rise of populist neo-conservative forces in Europe and of a global feminist movement. In both countries, the historical Catholic interference into women's reproductive rights and self-determination has been enforced by the renewed alliance of right-wing governments and pro-life groups to converge into a transnational “anti-gender war”. This represents a real backlash against women’s achievements over the last decades in terms of reproductive and sexual citizenship, which appears to be the battlefield for redefinition of western citizenship in times of global crisis. Although different genealogies, we identified a common framing of neo-conservative discourse, and of feminist claims and practices, as that of feminist strikes and social mutualism. In this perspective, we consider these practices as a normativity from below, arguing that feminist movement is addressing a new paradigm of citizenship.

scholarly journals A Discourse-Historical Approach to Populism in the Right-Wing Discourse on Immigration

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 151
Author(s):  
Abdulfattah Omar ◽  
Wafya Ibrahim Hamouda ◽  
Mohammed Aldawsari
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Speeches ◽  
The Right ◽  
Discourse Historical Approach

This study is concerned with investigating the implications of the new nationalist and populist discourse of the far right-wing movements to immigration in different Arab countries, with a focus on Egypt, Lebanon, and Jordan. For this purpose, the study is based on a corpus of different genres, including political speeches, newspaper articles, as well as social media posts and comics. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is used in order to explore speakers’ ideologies and how rhetoric and discursive strategies are employed to influence public opinion and persuade citizens about certain views and policies and even prompt them to take the desired action. Results indicate that the new nationalist and populist discourse adopted by different politicians and far right-wing parties and movements have negative impact on the rights of migrants and refugees in Arab countries. Migrants and refugees are used as scapegoats for political gains. They are blamed for all social, economic, and political challenges and crises these countries are suffering today. Right-wing movements are embedding some hidden ideologies in their political discourse that are related to the hate and rejection of migrants and refugees. It can also be concluded that the increasing popularity of anti-immigration movements and radical right-wing political leaders hint at the influence of the nationalist and populist discourse on the public opinion in their countries. Populist discourse has led to fear and rejection of the “Other”, and even to racist acts and xenophobia.

Arce is on course for a landslide win in Bolivia

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Support ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Right

Significance The result reveals the enduring strength of the MAS despite its ouster from office last year and twelve months of vitriolic criticism by the right-wing interim administration that replaced it. Impacts Beset by the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic, the public is looking for stability, interrupted by last year’s frustrated elections. With strong social support, Arce will probably be best placed politically to weather upcoming economic difficulties. Arce will seek to build bridges with centrist politicians.

scholarly journals Photobiological safety of LED-based lighting systems – theory and practical hazard assessment

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nils Haferkemper ◽  
Wjatscheslaw Pepler
Keyword(s):  
Safety Assessment ◽  
Optical Radiation ◽  
Risk Estimation ◽  
The Public ◽  
Radiation Sources ◽  
Lighting Systems ◽  
Group 2 ◽  
The Right ◽  
Insight Into ◽  
High Output

Abstract This article gives an insight into the theory and application of photobiological safety assessment. To illustrate several aspects of this topic, the project ‘Measurement and assessment of optical radiation sources, relevant to the general population – Risk estimation to the eye, especially blue light hazard and glare’ by the German Federal Office for Radiation Protection, where 40 different products were measured and assessed, is used as an exemplary case. Products were chosen which were promoted to have a high output intensity and which are available to the public. Most of the products with incoherent radiation were classified in risk group 2 according to DIN EN 62471:2009 [DIN EN 62471:2009 – ‘Photobiologische Sicherheit von Lampen und Lampensystemen’]. Only a few of them were labeled correctly or had the right warning notice. Additionally, to the results of this market survey, practical aspects of the hazard measurement and assessment are emphasized.

Right-Wing Parties in Odessa in 1904 –1917

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 621-642
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk
Keyword(s):  
Social Structure ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Public ◽  
City Population ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Main Activity ◽  
The Right ◽  
High Degree ◽  
The City

The article examines the creation, social structure, quantity, financing and main activity directions of the monarchist organizations in Odessa in 1904 – 1917. Odessa became one of the centers of the monarchist movement in Russia, in the period under consideration there were about ten right-wing organizations in the area, some of them being subsidiaries of the all-Russia parties, and some – independent parties. High degree of the city population politicization was conditioned by sharp interethnic and economic contradictions and became the cause of mass monarchic movement, while mixed social structure and personal conflicts among monarchist leaders promoted the split of active monarchist organizations in Odessa and the appearance of the new ones. Right-wing parties in Odessa played a prominent role in the public and political life of the city, especially in 1906 -1912. Then due to various reasons this influence started to decrease. With the beginning of the First World War the monarchist movement in Odessa experienced certain growth. However, the draft of right-wing activists to the army filed forces, the decrease of monarchist ideas popularity in society, as well as social and economic difficulties of the war time, very soon led to the critical weakening of the right organizations in Odessa, followed by their disappearance from the political arena in February of 1917.

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