scholarly journals Le Conseil économique et l’impact régional de la politique commerciale

2009 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 503-514
Author(s):  
A. M. Sinclair
Keyword(s):  
Resource Allocation ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
General Framework ◽  
Regional Policy ◽  
General Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Long Run ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
Made In

Abstract Given that there are a number of possible models of the regional impact of a tariff, one would have hoped that the Council would have attempted to test the standard ones and/or to have developed new and better ones. After almost forty years Mackintosh's model is still probably the most persuasive model of the long run impact of the tariff in Canada. The Council in its main report has been largely content to repeat and to some extent to confuse elements of the conventional wisdom on the subject. Interesting points have been made in some of the background studies, particularly, among the studies reviewed, by Postner and by Dauphin. At a general level, the Council has failed to integrate its recommendations concerning tariff policy into the general framework of regional policy in this country. Specifically, the Council fails to consider explicitly that on "second best" grounds the elimination of tariffs may not lead to an improvement in resource allocation, nor does it consider in any detail policies which would be preferable to tariffs to achieve regional (and other) objectives which require intervention by the government. For a study which suggests that free trade would bring gains of at least five per cent of GNP, or over $8 billion per year at current levels of production, it would be unfortunate if a certain naïveté in exposition of the free trade case were to consign the document to the political dust-bin.

scholarly journals POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ITS IMPACT ON INTERNATIONAL TRADE

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 651-660 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rabiul Islam ◽  
Ahmad Bashawir Abdul Ghani ◽  
Muhammad Fuad Othman ◽  
Laila Suriya Ahmad Apandi
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
International Market ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Market ◽  
Export Trade ◽  
Long Run ◽  
The World ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
Import Quotas

Purpose of the study: The aim of this study was to relate the political economy and its impact on trade and development of economy. One of the currently witnessed changes that strike out the most from previous years is the relatedness of each political economy aspect of the world. The dimension of economy can be found in different problems throughout the world and economy has become the most prioritized aspect in the 21st century. Methodology: The data for this study were obtained from existing literatures on political economy and trade as well. The methodology heavily relied on the existing previous literatures on the subject being dealt with. Results: The findings indicated that the government could decide to intervene in markets with the intention of limiting import or maximizing export. Trade barriers might be applied for the intention of limiting imports such as tariffs, import quotas, native gratified necessities, directorial strategies, and anti-dumping policies. Implications: Protectionist policies are being implemented by country by the means of protecting the local market from international market that might risk the industries inside the nation and might resulted in the depletion of the nation’s sovereignty rate. Protectionist policy can be considered as a barrier towards trade but is essential for the long run local industry.

II.—The Magnesian Limestone and New Red Sandstone in the Neighbourhood of Nottingham

1877 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 155-156
Author(s):  
W. T. Aveline
Keyword(s):  
Geological Survey ◽  
Lake District ◽  
Red Sandstone ◽  
Geological Map ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
Made In

Since the Government Geological Survey of the country around Nottingham was made in the year 1859, and the Explanation on the Geological Map Quarter-sheet 71 N.E. was written in 1861, papers by local geologists have been written, stating that in the neighbourhood of Nottingham a perfect conformity existed between the Magnesian Limestone and the New Red Sandstone. This being totally at variance with conclusions I came to when I surveyed that country, I have been for some time past desirous to say a word on the subject, but being deeply occupied with the old rocks of the Lake district, I have put it off from time to time. I felt little doubt in my mind, when surveying the neighbourhood of Nottingham, that there was a considerable break between the Magnesian Limestone and the New Red Sandstone, and this opinion was completely confirmed as I continued my survey northwards through Nottinghamshire into Yorkshire.

scholarly journals Political language variation: stylistic based study

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Ida Bagus Putrayasa
Keyword(s):  
Data Analysis ◽  
Language Variation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Language ◽  
Figures Of Speech ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
Made In

This study aimed at finding out the figures of speech used by the government in the political language variation and the purposes to which they serve. On the basis of the data analysis, it was found that there are sixteen types of figures of speech contained in the political language variation, for example, euphemism, repetition, parallelism, personification, parable, anticlimax, sarcasm, trope, hyperbole, pleonasm, climax, antithesis, synecdoche, anaphor, allusion, and metonymy. The purposes of their uses are to vary sentences, to show respect, to express something in a polite manner, and to give an emphasis or stress meanings. The suggestion made in relation to the uses of the figures of speech in political language variation is for the authority (government) to use words or phrases that are simple to make it easy for the people to understand.

scholarly journals The Resilience of Indonesia’s State Budget against Central Government Debt

2020 ◽  
Vol 006 (02) ◽  
pp. 325-330
Author(s):  
Nugroho Suryo Bintoro
Keyword(s):  
Government Spending ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Government Debt ◽  
Infrastructure Development ◽  
State Budget ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
Term Data ◽  
Made In

The growth of central government debt in Indonesia is the subject of endless discussion for both economists and experts in other fields. Although the government uses this debt in order to increase Indonesia's competence through infrastructure development, there are problems in the form of previous accumulated debts. This accumulative debt is known as the concept of “debt stock” which is assessed through Indonesia's fiscal resilience (APBN) to measure the repayment capacity of new debts that will be made in the future. This ability will be seen using long-term data from 1990 to 2016 which is reflected in the variables of central government debt, government spending and revenue so that it is known that Indonesia's central government debt can still be said to be sustainable and the Indonesian government should prioritize productive expenditures in order to increase government revenues.

LANGUAGE MEANS OF CREATING POLICIAN’S IMAGE (ON GERMANY MEDIA MATERIALS)

2021 ◽  
pp. 124-130
Author(s):  
О.В. Мифтахова ◽  
К.Г. Мокрова
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Mass Consciousness ◽  
Subjective Opinion ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Figure

Данная статья освещает специфику языковых средств, используемых в немецких СМИ для создания образа политического деятеля. Поскольку средства массовой информации обладают мощнейшим манипулятивным действием, они играют ведущую роль в формировании массового сознания и социального мнения. В СМИ специально создаются политические образы не только отдельных представителей власти, но и государств в целом. Политический имидж лидеров стран влияет на развитие международных отношений: от положительной или негативной окраски того или иного государственного деятеля напрямую зависит успешность проведения внешней политики страны. Цель статьи - рассмотреть на примере двух немецких политиков, Сары Вагенкнехт и Аннегрет Крамп-Карренбауэр, языковые средства создания имиджа, формирующие у аудитории данных деятелей субъективное мнение о них. СМИ выступает мощнейшим оружием в данном вопросе, придавая особую значимость тем или иным высказываниям политиков. Выражая собственную оценку, средства массовой информации незаметно влияют на сознание и суждения людей. Предмет исследования - средства выразительности, которые оказывают воздействие на создание положительных или негативных медиаобразов политиков Германии. Актуальность темы проявляется в необходимости правильно трактовать тонкости речи и письма, которые могут формировать оценочные мнения о том или ином политическом деятеле. This article considers the issues of language means of creating the image of a politician used in the German media. Since the media have a powerful manipulative effect, they play a leading role in creating mass consciousness and social opinion. In the media, political images are specially formed not only of individual representatives of the government, but also of the state as a whole. The political image of the leaders of states have the influence the development of international relations: the success of the country's foreign policy directly depends on the positive or negative coloring of a statesman. The purpose of the article is to examine, using the example of two German politicians, Sarah Wagenknecht and Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, as language means for creating an image, forming a subjective opinion of them among the audience. The media act as a powerful weapon in this matter, attaching particular importance to certain statements of politicians. Expressing their own assessment, the media imperceptibly affect the consciousness and judgments of people. The subject of the research is the means of expression that influence the creation of positive or negative media images of German politicians. The relevance of the topic is manifested in the need to understand the intricacies of speech and writing, which can form evaluative opinions about a concrete political figure.

A Systematic Approach for Managing the Risk Related to Semantic Interoperability between Geospatial Datacubes

2012 ◽  
pp. 59-80
Author(s):  
Tarek Sboui ◽  
Mehrdad Salehi ◽  
Yvan Bédard
Keyword(s):  
Decision Support ◽  
General Framework ◽  
Semantic Interoperability ◽  
General Level ◽  
Semantic Heterogeneity ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Geographic Knowledge ◽  
Transactional Databases ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Detailed Level

Geospatial datacubes are the database backend of novel types of spatiotemporal decision-support systems employed in large organizations. These datacubes extend the datacube concept underlying the field of Business Intelligence (BI) into the realm of geospatial decision-support and geographic knowledge discovery. The interoperability between geospatial datacubes facilitates the reuse of their content. Such interoperability, however, faces risks of data misinterpretation related to the heterogeneity of geospatial datacubes. Although the interoperability of transactional databases has been the subject of several research works, no research dealing with the interoperability of geospatial datacubes exists. In this paper, the authors support the semantic interoperability between geospatial datacubes and propose a categorization of semantic heterogeneity problems that may occur in geospatial datacubes. Additionally, the authors propose an approach to deal with the related risks of data misinterpretation, which consists of evaluating the fitness-for-use of datacubes models, and a general framework that facilitates making appropriate decisions about such risks. The framework is based on a hierarchical top-down structure going from the most general level to the most detailed level, showing the usefulness of the proposed approach in environmental applications.

3.8 The standard layout of a treaty A treaty, like English legislation, has a standard format. At the beginning of the treaty is a preamble setting out the main goals of the treaty and the aspirations of the parties. It is divided into clusters of items dealing with similar matters. Each cluster is called a title (which roughly equates with the division of an English statute into parts). Titles contain numbered items called Articles, each one setting out a basic rule or principle. Articles can be divided into paragraphs and subparagraphs. The numbering system is Arabic and it not as dense and complex as that used by English statutes. Figure 5.3: standard layout of a treaty 5.3.9 How do obligations entered into through treaties become part of English law? If the UK government wishes all, or part of a treaty, to become part of English law it must specifically incorporate the treaty, or part of it, into the English legal system via legislation. This legislation goes through the same procedures as any other piece of legislation. If the government expects the treaty to give rise to a range of other measures over time it will usually place sections in this legislation delegating the authority to make later legal changes to others (such as the minister of appropriate government departments). This saves time as there is no need for the full legislative process in Parliament. Whilst it is still the subject of parliamentary debate, it does have a fast track procedure. In relation to treaties becoming part of English law in this way, there is always the possibility that Parliament may refuse to enact the legislation, which would leave the government in an extremely difficult situation. However, the UK Parliament is usually controlled by the political party forming the government and the government would not risk the embarrassment of failure but would guage its position in Parliament prior to signature of a relevant treaty.

2012 ◽  
pp. 132-133
Keyword(s):  
Basic Rule ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
Standard Format ◽  
Parliamentary Debate ◽  
The Subject ◽  
English Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk

The Conflict Between Queen Elizabeth and Roman Catholicism

1947 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 221-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry M. Shires
Keyword(s):  
Roman Catholic ◽  
The Political ◽  
English Reformation ◽  
Historical Writing ◽  
Roman Catholicism ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Mary Tudor ◽  
Roman Catholics ◽  
Made In

During the reign of Mary Tudor, Queen of England from 1553 to 1558, Roman Catholicism became the official religion of the English state; and the English Crown once again recognized the authority of the pope. English Roman Catholics were jubilant while the Protestants believed that all of the gains of the English Reformation had been lost. The religious and even the political future of England was therefore clearly in the hands of Queen Elizabeth when she ascended the throne in 1558. She was subjected to strong pressure from both the Roman Catholics and the Protestants, and for some years the ultimate issue was in doubt. The religious decisions which were made in England during this period were, however, vital for the cause of Protestantism and of extreme significance for Roman Catholicism. Much of the historical writing which describes these crucial events is, naturally enough, the product of Protestant or Roman Catholic apologetic; and the subject is one which has need of calm and reasoned study as well as of ordered presentation.

The Institutionalization of the U.S. House of Representatives

1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nelson W. Polsby
Keyword(s):  
Resource Allocation ◽  
Problem Solving ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Resource Allocation Problem ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
Long Run ◽  
The U.S

Most people who study politics are in general agreement, it seems to me, on at least two propositions. First, we agree that for a political system to be viable, for it to succeed in performing tasks of authoritative resource allocation, problem solving, conflict settlement, and so on, in behalf of a population of any substantial size, it must be institutionalized. That is to say, organizations must be created and sustained that are specialized to political activity.1 Otherwise, the political system is likely to be unstable, weak, and incapable of servicing the demands or protecting the interests of its constituent groups. Secondly, it is generally agreed that for a political system to be in some sense free and democratic, means must be found for institutionalizing representativeness with all the diversity that this implies, and for legitimizing yet at the same time containing political opposition within the system.2Our growing interest in both of these propositions, and in the problems to which they point, can begin to suggest the importance of studying one of the very few extant examples of a highly specialized political institution which over the long run has succeeded in representing a large number of diverse constituents, and in legitimizing, expressing, and containing political opposition within a complex political system—namely, the U.S. House of Representatives.The focus of my attention here will be first of all descriptive, drawing together disparate strands—some of which already exist in the literature3—in an attempt to show in what sense we may regard the House as an institutionalized organ of government. Not all the necessary work has been done on this rather difficult descriptive problem, as I shall indicate. Secondly, I shall offer a number of speculative observations about causes, consequences, and possible lessons to be draw from the institutionalization of the House.

Big Business and the Kapp Putsch

1971 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald D. Feldman
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Big Business ◽  
Government Bureaucracy ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
General Strike

The Kapp-Lüttwitz Putsch, hastily begun on March 13, 1920, and ingloriusly ended with the resignation of Dr. Wolfgang Kapp on March 17, has already been the subject of significant study. The details of the putsch itself, the character of the conspirators, and their motives, the positions taken by the political parties and leaders, and the reasons for its failure are fairly Well known. It is generally agreed that the circle of conspirators had too narrow a social base and was too divided in its purposes to be successful. In essence, it was a revolt of unemployed reactionary East Elbian officials like Kapp himself and his “Minister of the Interior,” Traugott von Jagow, disgruntled conservative military officers, the most important of whom was Freiherr von Lüttwitz, and military adventurers like Colonel Max Bauer, Major Pabst, and Captain Ehrhardt. Where Kapp sought far-reaching constitutional and political changes, Lüttwitz strove for more short-term goals, i.e., reconstruction of the cabinet to give it an “expert” character, new elections, and a larger army. The Kapp regime was doomed because of the refusal of the government bureaucracy to serve it and because of the general strike called by the trade unions on March 14.

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