scholarly journals Political language variation: stylistic based study

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Ida Bagus Putrayasa
Keyword(s):  
Data Analysis ◽  
Language Variation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Language ◽  
Figures Of Speech ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
Made In

This study aimed at finding out the figures of speech used by the government in the political language variation and the purposes to which they serve. On the basis of the data analysis, it was found that there are sixteen types of figures of speech contained in the political language variation, for example, euphemism, repetition, parallelism, personification, parable, anticlimax, sarcasm, trope, hyperbole, pleonasm, climax, antithesis, synecdoche, anaphor, allusion, and metonymy. The purposes of their uses are to vary sentences, to show respect, to express something in a polite manner, and to give an emphasis or stress meanings. The suggestion made in relation to the uses of the figures of speech in political language variation is for the authority (government) to use words or phrases that are simple to make it easy for the people to understand.

scholarly journals Political language variation: stylistic based study

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Ida Bagus Putrayasa
Keyword(s):  
Data Analysis ◽  
Language Variation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Language ◽  
Figures Of Speech ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
Made In

This study aimed at finding out the figures of speech used by the government in the political language variation and the purposes to which they serve. On the basis of the data analysis, it was found that there are sixteen types of figures of speech contained in the political language variation, for example, euphemism, repetition, parallelism, personification, parable, anticlimax, sarcasm, trope, hyperbole, pleonasm, climax, antithesis, synecdoche, anaphor, allusion, and metonymy. The purposes of their uses are to vary sentences, to show respect, to express something in a polite manner, and to give an emphasis or stress meanings. The suggestion made in relation to the uses of the figures of speech in political language variation is for the authority (government) to use words or phrases that are simple to make it easy for the people to understand.

Hubungan Dinamika Kelompok dan Keberdayaan Peternak dengan Keberhasilan Program Kelompok Peternak Sapi Potong

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (5) ◽  
pp. 603
Author(s):  
Muhammad Romadhon ◽  
Amiruddin Saleh
Keyword(s):  
Data Analysis ◽  
Correlation Coefficient ◽  
Group Dynamics ◽  
Descriptive Statistics ◽  
Statistic Analysis ◽  
Group Approach ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
People Group ◽  
Cattle Farmer

A group approach having an excess because its scope broader, and in accordance with communal culture of the people. Group dynamics and independency farmers become a yardstick to judge whether the programs the government (the course of development) involving group cattle farmers cut is sustainable or not, so that it can be evaluated for sustainability the next. The purpose of research are (1) analyze group dynamics formed in the group spr mega jaya, (2) analyzed levels of independency of farmers in the farmers spr mega jaya, (3) analyze relations group dynamics and independency of farmers with the success kejar farmers spr mega jaya. Data analysis of analysis descriptive statistics (a frequency, the percentage, on the average), and statistic analysis inferential by test a correlation coefficient rank the spearman. The research results show that group dynamics spr mega jaya tends in category high, and independency of farmers spr mega jaya tends in category enough, while test relations shows that there is a positive connection welfare between group dynamics the cattle farmer and independency of farmers with the success kejar cattle farmers cut. This means that the more dynamic group spr mega jaya and independency of felt farmers high, so the success of the program group farmers who reached the higher.Keywords: group dynamics, independency of groups, sekolah peternakan rakyatABSTRAKPendekatan kelompok memiliki kelebihan karena cakupannya yang lebih luas, dan sesuai dengan budaya masyarakat komunal. Dinamika kelompok dan keberdayaan peternak menjadi tolok ukur untuk menilai apakah program pemerintah (program pembangunan) yang melibatkan kelompok peternak sapi potong bersifat sustainable atau tidak, sehingga dapat dievaluasi untuk keberlanjutan program selanjutnya. Tujuan dari penelitian adalah (1) menganalisis dinamika kelompok yang terbentuk dalam kelompok SPR Mega Jaya, (2) menganalisis tingkat keberdayaan peternak pada kelompok peternak SPR Mega Jaya, (3) menganalisis hubungan dinamika kelompok dan keberdayaan peternak dengan keberhasilan program kelompok peternak SPR Mega Jaya. Analisis data berupa analisis statistik deskriptif (frekuensi, persentase, rata-rata), dan analisis statistik inferensial dengan uji koefisien korelasi rank Spearman. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa dinamika kelompok SPR Mega Jaya cenderung pada kategori tinggi, dan keberdayaan peternak SPR Mega Jaya cenderung pada kategori cukup, sedangkan uji hubungan menunjukkan bahwa terdapat hubungan positif signifikan antara dinamika kelompok peternak dan keberdayaan peternak dengan keberhasilan program kelompok peternak sapi potong. Hal ini berarti bahwa semakin dinamis kelompok SPR Mega Jaya dan keberdayaan yang dirasakan peternak tinggi, maka keberhasilan program kelompok peternak yang tercapai semakin tinggi.Kata kunci: dinamika kelompok, keberdayaan kelompok, sekolah peternakan rakyat

scholarly journals Come Fly With Me: Analyzing The F-35 Aircraft Acquisition Discourse to Study Incivility in Question Period

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arun Jacob
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Accountability ◽  
The People ◽  
Canadian Politics ◽  
The Government

The main objective behind the parliamentary practice of Question Period is to ensure that the government is held accountable to the people. Rather than being a political accountability tool and a showcase of public discourse, these deliberations are most often displays of vitriolic political rhetoric. I will be focusing my research on the ways in which incivil political discourse permeates the political mediascape with respect to one instance in Canadian politics - the acquisition of the F-35 Lightning II Joint Strike Fighter. I believe that incivility in the political discourse of Question Period must be understood within the mechanics of the contemporary public sphere. By interrogating the complexities of how political discourse is being mediatized, produced and consumed within the prevailing ideological paradigms, I identify some of the contemporary social, cultural and political practices that produce incivility in parliamentary discourse.

scholarly journals PERANAN BANGSAWAN BONE DALAM SISTEM PEMERINTAHAN DARI SWAPRAJA KE KABUPATEN (The Role of Bone Nobleman in The Government System from Swapraja to Regency)

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-151
Author(s):  
Risma Widiawati
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Holding Power ◽  
South Sulawesi ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Head Of Government ◽  
Interesting Area

Bone Regency as part of South Sulawesi is a very interesting area to discuss. This area is not only part of the history of South Sulawesi, but also a historical flow of South Sulawesi. the existence of nobles who are so attached to the joints of the lives of the people of Bone is still interesting to be examined to this day. Based on this, the article aims to reveal the role of Bone nobility in the swapraja government system to the regency (1950 - 1960). The political development of the government during this period was seen as sufficiently influencing the political dynamics of the government in Bone Regency which continued even today. The method used is the method of historical research with four stages, namely, heuristics, criticism (history), interpretation, and presentation (historiography). The results of the study show that after the transition from swapraja to regency, the role of nobility is still very calculated. But it is no longer like in the period before the transition, where the government was ruled by the king / aristocracy. At this time the level of intelligence is also taken into account. Apart from the fact that the structure of the government is indeed different because the process of appointing head of government is also different. But in general the role of nobility after the transition was not much different, where there were still many nobles holding power. ABSTRAK Kabupaten Bone sebagai bahagian dari Sulawesi Selatan merupakan suatu daerah yang sangat menarik untuk dibicarakan. Daerah ini bukan saja merupakan bagian dari sejarah Sulawesi Selatan, tetapi juga merupakan arus sejarah Sulawesi Selatan. keberadaan bangsawan yang begitu melekat di dalam sendi kehidupan masyarakat Bone masih menarik untuk ditelisik sampai hari ini. Berdasarkan hal tersebut, maka artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan tentang peranan bangsawan Bone dalam sistem pemerintahan swapraja ke kabupaten (1950 – 1960). Perkembangan politik dari pemerintahan selama periode ini dipandang cukup mempengaruhi dinamika politik dari pemerintahan di Kabupaten Bone yang berlangsung bahkan sampai sekarang. Metode yang digunakan adalah adalah metode penelitian sejarah dengan empat tahapan yaitu, heuristik, kritik (sejarah), intrepretasi, dan penyajian (historiografi). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa setelah peralihan dari swapraja ke kabupaten, peranan bangsawan masih sangat diperhitungkan. Namun tidak lagi seperti pada masa sebelum peralihan, di mana pemerintahan dikuasai oleh raja/aristokrasi. Pada masa ini tingkat kecerdasan juga diperhitungkan. Selain karena struktur pemerintahannya memang berbeda juga karena proses pengangkatan kepala pemerintahan juga berbeda. Namun secara umum peran bangsawan setelah masa peralihan tidak jauh berbeda, di mana masih banyak bangsawan yang memegang kekuasaan.

Mrs Gandhi’s Personalisation of Power, 1966–1975

2021 ◽  
pp. 275-312
Author(s):  
Christophe Jaffrelot ◽  
Pratinav Anil
Keyword(s):  
Power Structure ◽  
The Political ◽  
Internal Factors ◽  
Authoritarian Personality ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Congress Party ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government

This chapter focuses on the internal factors that led to the declaration of the Emergency. It primarily explores Mrs Gandhi’s authoritarian personality and the deinstitutionalisation of the Congress Party. The power structure within the Congress, especially after Mrs Gandhi split the party in 1969, meant that checks and balances ceased to exist. This factionalism enabled her to impose her authoritarian tendencies on the government as safeguards were dismantled. The chapter further explores the relation between authoritarianism and populism. It uses the political situation in India from the late 1960s to the early 1970s as an illustration. Mrs Gandhi, like other populist leaders, was convinced that she was the people of India. This idea was epitomised by D. K. Barooah’s slogan: ‘Indira is India and India is Indira.’

The Genealogy of the “Leader of the People”: Images of Leaders and the Political Language of the Russian Revolution of 1917

2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 149-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boris Ivanovich Kolonitskii
Keyword(s):  
Russian Revolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Language ◽  
Soviet History ◽  
The People ◽  
Negative Publicity

Boris Kolonitskii continues his studies of the cult of Alexander Kerensky in 1917 and the larger issues of the vocabulary used to describe leaders and the nature of cults and their relationship to authoritarianism in Russian and Soviet history. He reviews the linguistic fields surrounding such revolutionary figures as Miliukov, Rodzianko, Chernov, Plekhanov and Lenin and shows how politicians may become hostages of their own rhetoric. Hero image terminology can sanctify the leader. But even negative publicity or criticism can lead to the strengthening of the cult image. The construction of cults is subject to reversals and shifting creativity. Cults have pre- histories and are vital to our understanding of 20th century politics.

Peru: the Political Economy of an Intermediate Regime

1976 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. V. K. Fitzgerald
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Foreign Capital ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Intermediate Regime ◽  
Domestic Capital ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Made In

Any attempt to define the changes in the Peruvian political economy that have taken place since 1968 1 must be made in terms of the relationship between the state and domestic capital on the one hand and foreign capital on the other, and must offer an explanation of the way in which this military- controlled state has tended to replace the former and establish a new relationship with the latter. In particular, the confrontation between the government and foreign capital, and the significance of internal ownership reforms cannot be understood without reference to the development of Peruvian capitalism before 1968.

The political responsibility for Royal pardons in Belgium during the 19th century (1830–1900)

2007 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-178
Author(s):  
J. Monballyu
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Death Sentence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Responsibility ◽  
Constitutional Convention ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Opposite View ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Made In

AbstractIn Belgium, the Royal Prerogative of pardoning convicted criminals was legally embedded in the Constitution of 14th February, 1831. It allowed the King to reduce a sentence or to grant a discharge of a sentence given by a court. Any Royal decision to pardon had, however, to be countersigned by a member of the Government, who took on the political responsibility of the decision towards Parliament. In most cases, the task fell upon the Minister of Justice. During the 19th century, in both Houses of the Belgian Parliament, the Minister of Justice was repeatedly questioned about the way the prerogative of pardoning was exercised. This usually occurred when a death sentence had been commuted to a lesser sentence. In such cases, members of the Chamber of Representatives or of the Senate would ask for an explicit justification of a particular pardon. Only exceptionally would a Government Minister be challenged about the legality of a decision either granting or refusing a pardon. Because of the constitutional convention which prevents exposing directly the political position of the King, Jules d'Anethan (Minister of Justice 1843–1847) defended the Minister's right to refuse to give any reasons for a decision regarding a pardon. He only acknowledged Parliament's right to question a Minister about his general policy on pardons. In his view, it was not within Parliament's powers to ask a Minister of Justice why a pardon had been granted or refused in a specific case. That view tended to limit considerably a Minister's responsibility for Royal pardons: it became no more than an empty shell. Another Minister of Justice, Théophile De Lantsheere (1871–1878), took an opposite view. He refused to state his general policy on pardons, but he accepted to explain the specific reasons why a Royal decision granting or refusing a pardon had been made. In his view, a pardon was in the first place a matter for the Minister's conscience. Parliament was therefore entitled to assess his particular actions. However, in the line of his predecessors' and successors' view, he believed that the reasons why the King had insisted on a pardon or refused to grant a pardon should not be mentioned to Parliament. Pardon was an issue between King and Government, not between King and Parliament. As the saying goes in Belgian constitutional law: The Crown should never be laid 'bare'.

scholarly journals POLICY AND PRACTICE: REFLEKSI PERJANJIAN DAMAI HELSINKI 2005-2018: KESUKSESAN DAN TANTANGAN KEDEPAN

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-51
Author(s):  
M. Ya'kub Aiyub Kadir
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Sustainable Peace ◽  
The People ◽  
Free Aceh Movement ◽  
Cultural Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Economic

This paper is a reflection of the peace agreement between the Free Aceh Movement and the Government of Indonesia from 2005 to 2018. There have been improvement after a decade but there are still challenges that must be realized. The Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (known as Helsinky peace agreement) on 15 August 2005 resulted a consensus that Aceh could have greater rights than before, as stipulated in the Law on Governing Aceh number 11/2006. Thus, Aceh has more authorities to redefine the political, economic, social and cultural status in the Republic of Indonesia system. This paper attempts to analyze this problem through a historical description of the movement of the Acehnese people, in the hope of contributing to increasing understanding of the concept of the Helsinki peace agreement in the context of sustainable peace and welfare improvement for the people of Aceh

scholarly journals The New Digital Grammar in the Culture of Institutions

2019 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-45
Author(s):  
Francesco Gambino
Keyword(s):  
Digital Systems ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Human Reasoning ◽  
Political Liberty ◽  
Control Techniques ◽  
Symbolic Space ◽  
The People ◽  
Technological Developments ◽  
The Government

Abstract The paper aims to explore the phenomenon of the spread in democracy of new powers – produced by inexhaustible technological developments – from the perspective of the philosophy of Institutions. It traces the original idea of democracy, in which the «government of the people» arises from the conversion of natural liberty into social and political liberty, dwells on the political and juridical meaning of authority, analyses the traditional instruments used to condition human opinions and behaviours, and reconstructs – in light of this itinerary – the functioning and new grammar of the digital order. What opens before us is a fluid and disorganized scenario, dominated by digital systems, algorithms and artificial intelligence, that draws the attention of philosophers and sociologists, jurists and scholars of language and of anthropology. The old single order, outlined by the political and juridical machine of the modern State – which, through an aloof and solemn language, aimed to impart regularity to human behaviour and to give society direction – is replaced by multifarious models of order, each of which is generated by its own logic, practices, and autonomous control techniques. Under the omnipotence of technology, concepts such as authority, liberty, truth and power undergo a vortex of semantic transformations that penetrate a new symbolic space into human reasoning and actions.

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