scholarly journals Humanitarian Field Practices in the Context of the Syrian Conflict from 2011 to 2018

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 48-57
Author(s):  
Hakim Khaldi

How can we go about our work of saving lives when, in Syria, civilians, the wounded and their families, medical personnel and aid workers are all targets – whether in areas controlled by the government or those held by the Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD), Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) or various rebel groups with diverging political agendas? Over the course of several field missions, the author of this article, a member of Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), sought to decipher the political and military engagements undertaken in different regions of Syria during the war years. He also factored into his analysis the endless flow of data, information and positioning being produced and published over this period, because the war was also fought every day on the internet where the representatives and ideologists of warring groups, human rights organisations, Syrian diaspora organisations and spokespersons of the Syrian central authorities were and still are a permanent presence. Drawing on all these observations and data, the author relates and analyses the emergency relief activities carried out by MSF in Syria, how these activities evolved and the conditions in which choices to intervene and decisions to withdraw were taken.

Significance The June 26 suicide attack inside the Imam al-Sadiq Mosque killed 27 people and was Kuwait's worst terrorist attack in over three decades. The attack, claimed by Islamic State group (ISG) and carried out by a Saudi citizen, was intended to inflame sectarian tensions that have spiralled in recent years. US officials have long identified Kuwait as an epicentre of funding and other forms of materiel assistance for participants in the Syrian civil war. However, unlike Qatar and Saudi Arabia, where support largely has flowed in one direction toward Sunni rebel groups, Kuwaitis have provided high-profile support to both the opposition and the Assad regime. Impacts The government will use the attack to reinforce its narrative that the bidun constitute a security threat rather than a human rights issue. Initial solidarity among Kuwait Sunni and Shia could dissipate quickly into political wrangling over the government's response. Kuwaiti salafi aid will boost hardline Islamist rebel groups in Syria. Key commercial and business interests, and oil installations are unlikely to be affected seriously by the rising terrorist threat. Reinforced security measures will further restrict political freedoms in the GCC's most open state.


Author(s):  
Emanuele Bardone ◽  
Lorenzo Magnani

Recently the impressive growth of the Web, and the Internet in general, has been considered as a promise that may both challenge and boost our representation of democratic institutions. It is well known that modern democracies are based on the possibility to control and even replace who rules by the force of the best arguments. More generally, the control of the government, and the effectiveness of democracy, is possible, if the citizens can access information. Hence, the promise of the Internet mainly relies on the fact that people may more freely access information, because it seems it cannot be controlled or manipulated by the political power. In the first part of this outline we will depict a cognitive framework to deal with the relationships between Internet and democracy. We shall show that Internet, as an information technology, can be considered as a cognitive and moral mediator; it can provide stories, texts, images, combined with sounds, so that the information fosters not only a cognitive, but also an emotional and moral understanding. In this sense, the Internet represents a kind of redistribution of the moral effort through managing objects and information to overcome the poverty and the unsatisfactory character of the options available. In the last part we will illustrate that Internet, as a moral mediator, may enhance democracy in two respects. First, it affords civic engagement and participation; second, it allows people to face different sources of information so that almost everyone can verify and test the information delivered by traditional media.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-137
Author(s):  
Kardo Rached ◽  
Ahmed Omar Bali

The political environment of Iraq in the period from 2011-2014 experienced a great degree of turbulence. Many Sunni tribes in the Anbar, Ramadi and Salahadin regions organized a daily protest against the central government, accusing it of being sectarian. Gradually, these protests become more popular, and the Baghdad government became fearful that it would spread into the other regions of Iraq. In order to control the protests, the government used force, and many were killed. Simultaneously, in Syria, and especially during 2013-2014, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) controlled more land and more people, and to take advantage of the Iraqi people's dissatisfaction with their government, ISIS crossed the border between Iraq and Syria in June 2014. Mosul as the second most heavily populated city was seized by ISIS and the Iraqi army could not fight back, which meant that the Iraqi army retreated from most of the Sunni areas. Even Baghdad, the capital of Iraq, and the city where the central government operates, was threatened. While the Iraqi army was unable to fight against ISIS, the Shia religious supreme leader Al-Sistani called for self-defence and to stand against ISIS. Sistani’s call became a cornerstone for the creation of the so-called Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) with the aim of the fighting against ISIS. In this article, we assess the PMF from different perspectives, for example, using the Weberian theory that the state is the only entity that has a monopoly on violence, considering Ariel Ahram's model of state-sponsored and government-sponsored militias, and finally the devolution of violence to these armed groups.


Author(s):  
Marién Durán ◽  
Víctor Bados

This chapter examines the political, territorial and security repercussions of the self-proclaimed Islamic State (IS) for the MENA region, and particularly in Syria, Iraq and Libya. The proclamation of the IS, on 29 June 2014, has had a major impact on political and security alike. It has been given a new twist to the war in Iraq and Syria and the Libyan conflict on the following aspects: (i) amplifying and making the conflict more complex with related implications on security; (ii) establishing a new mode of governance in the conquered territories; and (iii) further producing a new security framework in MENA region. After a brief contextualization about the origins and goals of IS, the chapter analyses the following sections: (i) the impact of IS in the security domain (type of conflict with its own signs of identity); (ii) the government exerted in the occupied territories; and (iii) the implications and impacts on the security realm throughout MENA region by focusing on two main domains: the international response to the threat provided by the international community, and the new configuration of regional and global alliances. The main contribution of this chapter dues to the scarcity of studies in this regard is the analysis of the IS’ conflict typology.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-427
Author(s):  
Showkat Ahmad Dar

The surprising rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Sham (ISIS) and its proclamation as the caliphate on 29 June 2014 imposed an obvious threat to nation-states. The continuous controversy over the nature and applicability of Islamic tenets to governmental institutions has yet to be solved. The possibility and impossibility of an Islamic state in contemporary times is observed by analyzing the very nature of Islam. The concept of an Islamic state is based on the teachings of the Koran and Sunnah, as meant for human welfare and happiness that, according to Muhammad Asad, would automatically preclude the government of such a state from contemplating wars of aggression. This article attempts to analyze the political developments that have taken place since the beginning of the twentieth century and the failure of the Muslims in establishing an Islamic state, despite upholding sharī‘ah principles.


ARISTO ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 260
Author(s):  
Ahmad Choirul Rofiq

After successfully proclaiming the proclamation of independence, the Indonesian people made an agreement to ratify the Pancasila as the basis of the Indonesian nation. The Pancasila values were explored directly from the noble values possessed by the Indonesian people before Indonesian independence. This paper through library research concludes that the Pancasila historically underwent its dynamics since the Old Order government until the Reform Era, especially in its ideological process among plural Indonesian society. The ideology of Pancasila has been confronted with other ideologies, such as communist ideology and Islamic ideology which seeks to create an Indonesian nation in accordance with each ideology. Although the teachings of Islam are not contrast to the Pancasila, but the political movement of some Indonesian Muslims to establish an Islamic state or Khilafah in Indonesia clearly contradicts the spirit of Pancasila because Indonesia is a nation achieved by agreement of all Indonesian people with their various religions. Therefore, the Indonesian Muslims (as well as other non-Muslims) must prove their main role in maintaining the continuity of Pancasila and the unity of Indonesia with its Bhinneka Tunggal Ika. Besides, the Government leaders of Indonesia together with all Indonesian society must practice the holy values of Pancasila, maintain the unitary of the Indonesian nation, and realize a prosperous Indonesia based on the Pancasila.


Author(s):  
A. A. Kuznetsov

The article "The Islamic State phenomenon in the framework of the political changes in the Middle East" is dedicated to the "Islamic State", one of the most powerful and dangerous extremist organizations. Author realizes in this article: research of the genesis and causes of appearance of the movement "Islamic State"; analysis of the sociopolitical and geopolitical situation of the Iraqi Sunni community after the American invasion of 2003; bringing to the light factors of the high scale propagation of the Islamic extremism in Syria and Iraq; research of the military and political potential of the "Islamic State" and factors which could impede its expansion. Author considers "Islamic State" as an emergent phenomenon giving huge impact on the political situation in the Middle East. It provoked repartition of the old frontiers existed since the Sykes-Pico treaty of 1916. To the author's opinion oppression of the Iraqi Sunni community by the government of Nuri al-Maliki was the main cause of the Sunni revolt in Summer of 2014. Sunni tribes of Northern Iraq and former Baath party members were the driving forces of the revolt but then Jihadi extremists hijacked this revolt. To the author's mind elimination of the "Islamic State" is impossible without reconciliation between various religious communities in Syria and Iraq.


2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (11) ◽  
pp. 53-61
Author(s):  
S. Ivanov

The article explores the causes, main stages and consequences of the Syrian armed conflict, its negative impact on the entire system of regional security and stability in the Middle East. The author pays special attention to analyzing the prerequisites for the outbreak of a civil war in Syria, to large-scale interference of foreign states and non-state actors in the face of radical Islamist groups in this conflict. It is emphasized that Iran, Turkey, Russia and the USA have become the main external forces participating in the Syrian conflict. The role and importance of the Kurdish factor in the northern and north-eastern regions of Syria are also considered. The author concludes that, despite the defeat of the largest terrorist groups and the establishment by the Government of the Syrian Arab Republic of control over most of the country’s territory, it is too early to talk about resolving the conflict. The country remains split into several enclaves, most of the Syrians find themselves in a position of refugees abroad or reside in territories not controlled by Damascus. The most promising way to normalize the situation in the SAR seems to be the intensification of negotiations between representatives of the Assad government and the opposition in Geneva format, where one of the main issues on the agenda is the coordination of the draft future constitution. The author also believes that the defeat of the “Islamic State” in Syria in previous years can significantly reduce the foreign military presence in this country.


ARISTO ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 274
Author(s):  
Ahmad Choirul Rofiq

After successfully proclaiming the proclamation of independence, the Indonesian people made an agreement to ratify the Pancasila as the basis of the Indonesian nation. The Pancasila values were explored directly from the noble values possessed by the Indonesian people before Indonesian independence. This paper through library research concludes that the Pancasila historically underwent its dynamics since the Old Order government until the Reform Era, especially in its ideological process among plural Indonesian society. The ideology of Pancasila has been confronted with other ideologies, such as communist ideology and Islamic ideology which seeks to create an Indonesian nation in accordance with each ideology. Although the teachings of Islam are not contrast to the Pancasila, but the political movement of some Indonesian Muslims to establish an Islamic state or Khilafah in Indonesia clearly contradicts the spirit of Pancasila because Indonesia is a nation achieved by agreement of all Indonesian people with their various religions. Therefore, the Indonesian Muslims (as well as other non-Muslims) must prove their main role in maintaining the continuity of Pancasila and the unity of Indonesia with its Bhinneka Tunggal Ika. Besides, the Government leaders of Indonesia together with all Indonesian society must practice the holy values of Pancasila, maintain the unitary of the Indonesian nation, and realize a prosperous Indonesia based on the Pancasila.


Author(s):  
Emanuele Bardone ◽  
Lorenzo Magnani

Recently the impressive growth of the Web, and the Internet in general, has been considered as a promise that may both challenge and boost our representation of democratic institutions. It is well known that modern democracies are based on the possibility to control and even replace who rules by the force of the best arguments. More generally, the control of the government, and the effectiveness of democracy, is possible, if the citizens can access information. Hence, the promise of the Internet mainly relies on the fact that people may more freely access information, because it seems it cannot be controlled or manipulated by the political power. In the first part of this outline we will depict a cognitive framework to deal with the relationships between Internet and democracy. We shall show that Internet, as an information technology, can be considered as a cognitive and moral mediator; it can provide stories, texts, images, combined with sounds, so that the information fosters not only a cognitive, but also an emotional and moral understanding. In this sense, the Internet represents a kind of redistribution of the moral effort through managing objects and information to overcome the poverty and the unsatisfactory character of the options available. In the last part we will illustrate that Internet, as a moral mediator, may enhance democracy in two respects. First, it affords civic engagement and participation; second, it allows people to face different sources of information so that almost everyone can verify and test the information delivered by traditional media.


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