scholarly journals Ideal Relationship Between Pancasila and Indonesian Muslims

ARISTO ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 260
Author(s):  
Ahmad Choirul Rofiq
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Main Role ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Old Order ◽  
Library Research ◽  
Communist Ideology ◽  
The Government

After successfully proclaiming the proclamation of independence, the Indonesian people made an agreement to ratify the Pancasila as the basis of the Indonesian nation. The Pancasila values were explored directly from the noble values possessed by the Indonesian people before Indonesian independence. This paper through library research concludes that the Pancasila historically underwent its dynamics since the Old Order government until the Reform Era, especially in its ideological process among plural Indonesian society. The ideology of Pancasila has been confronted with other ideologies, such as communist ideology and Islamic ideology which seeks to create an Indonesian nation in accordance with each ideology. Although the teachings of Islam are not contrast to the Pancasila, but the political movement of some Indonesian Muslims to establish an Islamic state or Khilafah in Indonesia clearly contradicts the spirit of Pancasila because Indonesia is a nation achieved by agreement of all Indonesian people with their various religions. Therefore, the Indonesian Muslims (as well as other non-Muslims) must prove their main role in maintaining the continuity of Pancasila and the unity of Indonesia with its Bhinneka Tunggal Ika. Besides, the Government leaders of Indonesia together with all Indonesian society must practice the holy values of Pancasila, maintain the unitary of the Indonesian nation, and realize a prosperous Indonesia based on the Pancasila.

Ideal Relationship Between Pancasila and Indonesian Muslims

ARISTO ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 274
Author(s):  
Ahmad Choirul Rofiq
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Main Role ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Old Order ◽  
Library Research ◽  
Communist Ideology ◽  
The Government

After successfully proclaiming the proclamation of independence, the Indonesian people made an agreement to ratify the Pancasila as the basis of the Indonesian nation. The Pancasila values were explored directly from the noble values possessed by the Indonesian people before Indonesian independence. This paper through library research concludes that the Pancasila historically underwent its dynamics since the Old Order government until the Reform Era, especially in its ideological process among plural Indonesian society. The ideology of Pancasila has been confronted with other ideologies, such as communist ideology and Islamic ideology which seeks to create an Indonesian nation in accordance with each ideology. Although the teachings of Islam are not contrast to the Pancasila, but the political movement of some Indonesian Muslims to establish an Islamic state or Khilafah in Indonesia clearly contradicts the spirit of Pancasila because Indonesia is a nation achieved by agreement of all Indonesian people with their various religions. Therefore, the Indonesian Muslims (as well as other non-Muslims) must prove their main role in maintaining the continuity of Pancasila and the unity of Indonesia with its Bhinneka Tunggal Ika. Besides, the Government leaders of Indonesia together with all Indonesian society must practice the holy values of Pancasila, maintain the unitary of the Indonesian nation, and realize a prosperous Indonesia based on the Pancasila.

scholarly journals RESPONS AL JAM’IYATUL WASHLIYAH TERHADAP TERORISME

2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Ja'far Ja'far
Keyword(s):  
Data Analysis ◽  
Field Studies ◽  
Data Sources ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Data Display ◽  
Analysis Method ◽  
Suicide Bombings ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The Government ◽  
Using Data

Al Washliyah merupakan satu di antara banyak organisasi Islam yang menolak paham dan gerakan terorisme di Indonesia. Artikel ini mengkaji respons Al Washliyah terhadap terorisme. Kajian ini menarik dilakukan, sebab organisasi ini memiliki pengikut yang fanatik dan mengelola amal usaha yang banyak, tetapi masih relatif jarang diteliti oleh para peneliti. Kajian ini merupakan studi lapangan (library research) dimana sumber datanya diperoleh dari kegiatan wawancara dan studi dokumen. Data dianalisis dengan menggunakan metode analisis data menurut Miles dan Huberman: reduksi data, pemaparan data, dan penarikan kesimpulan. Didasari dengan teori Matusitz, Pranawati, dan Golose tentang doktrin terorisme dimana gerakan ini ingin mendirikan negara Islam, memaknai jihad sebagai perang, anti terhadap non-Muslim, dan melegalkan bom bunuh diri, kajian ini akan menelaah respons Al Washliyah terhadap empat persoalan tersebut. Kajian ini mengajukan temuan bahwa Al Washliyah menolak paham dan gerakan terorisme yang muncul dan berkembang di Indonesia, dan para ulamanya menilai bahwa kaum teroris telah salah dalam memahami ajaran Islam. Temuan kajian ini dapat berkontribusi bagi pemerintah dalam upaya menanggulangi gerakan terorisme di Indonesia. Al Washliyah is one of Islamic organizations that rejects the concept of terrorism in Indonesia. This article examines Al Washliyah's responses to terrorism. This study is interesting because this organization has fanatic followers and manages many business charities, but rarely investigated by researchers. This research is field studies where the data sources obtained from the interviews activities and document studies. Data were analyzed by using data analysis method according to Miles and Huberman: data reduction, data display, and conclusion. Based on the theory of Matusitz, Pranawati, and Golose about terrorism doctrine in which the program wants to establish an Islamic state, interpret jihad as war, anti to non-Muslims, and legalize suicide bombings, this study will examine the Al Washliyah's responses to those four issues. This study proposes that Al Washliyah rejects the concept of terrorism which appears and develops in Indonesia, and ulama consider that terrorists have misunderstood on Islamic concept. The findings of this study may contribute to the government in combating terrorism movement in Indonesia.

Popular Humor and “The Black Dwarf”

1976 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Hendrix
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Distinctive Character ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Old Order ◽  
The Rich ◽  
The Government ◽  
Radical Culture ◽  
Weekly Journal ◽  
William Cobbett

In 1819 Viscount Castlereagh, England's Foreign Secretary and perhaps the most hated member of the Government, complained in parliament that the journalist, T. J. Wooler (1786?-1853), had become “the fugleman of the Radicals.” His weekly journal The Black Dwarf was circulating from radical Westminster to northern colliery districts, where it could be found “in the hatcrown of almost every pitman you meet.”Early nineteenth-century popular radicalism took form in its journalism and its political tracts, pamphlet satires, caricatures, posters, and ballads. The best of the radical publications were shaped in turn by traditional popular attitudes and forms, including the rich resources of popular humor. Wooler's writing was unmistakably political, and often earnest in the manner of the polemical journalism of William Cobbett and Richard Carlile or the oratory of Henry Hunt. But his favorite tone was satirical, and this made him prominent among those radicals who did the most in the late Regency years to promote a public attitude of anti-authoritarianism rather than deference, of contempt for an unjust government rather than fear of it. E. P. Thompson has shown that it was “not the solemnity but the delight” with which the radicals “baited authority” that made the old order vulnerable. Wooler's journalism is a fine example of the political uses of popular humor, and a key to understanding the distinctive character of Regency radical culture.IRegency radicalism was a mixture of traditional and Enlightenment political ideas of natural rights and freedoms and an emerging class-consciousness of economics and society.

scholarly journals The economic-political concept of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia: reflection on the early Islamic thoughts

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Nafis Irkhami
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Law ◽  
Main Idea ◽  
Economic Problem ◽  
Economic Thought ◽  
Historical Study ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Public Finances ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

Hizbut Tahrir (The Party of Liberation) is an international pan-Islamic politica<br />l organization. Its goal is to unify all Muslim countries as an Islamic state<br />(caliphate) ruled by shariah. They argued that caliphate and Islamic law should<br />not be separated. Without a caliphate, the sharia application will never be<br />totally accomplished. Factually, these grand themes constitute the global discourse<br />applied by Hizbut Tahrir movements around the world. It becomes<br />the main idea that links their global ideological ground and commonality.<br />Hizbut Tahrir (HT) entered into Indonesia in 1982, through M. Mustofa and<br />Abdurrahman al-Baghdadi. As in another countries, HT got repression from<br />the government. Using a momentum of the reformation era, Hizbut Tahrir<br />Indonesia (HTI) begin to socialize its ideas openly. Even in 2000, they have<br />registered its organization at the Ministry of Domestic Affairs.<br />This study aims to scrutinize the ideas of HTI thinking about political economy,<br />which is devoted to the theory about the relationship between religion, state<br />and economy, as well as the construction of public finances. This study is<br />intended as a historical study of Islamic economic thought. The discourse of<br />the study focuses on three questions. First, how does HTI grow in Indonesia,<br />and why does they flourish? Second, what are the relationship between the religion, the state and the economy according to them? Finally, how is the<br />structure of HTI’s public finances?<br />This qualitative study was an exploratory-analysis. It was intended to analyze<br />key concepts in a plantation of thought that has been documented, both<br />from primary and secondary sources. It is a library research. The sources of<br />the research are in the form of HTI’s works which have been well documented<br />in a large numbers, including in the Pdf formats. The study found that HTI<br />tended to see every current economic problem by reflecting it into the cultural<br />heritage of the past. Related to this, the slogan that they have always<br />been shouted was “Sharia is the only solution.” From this philosophy it can<br />be estimated that HTI’s thoughts of Islamic public finance, will face the problem<br />of contextualization.<br />Hizbut Tahrir (Partai Kemerdekaan) adalah sebuah gerakan politik Islam<br />internasional. Tujuannya adalah untuk menjadikan negara-negara Muslim dalam<br />satu kepemimpinan negara Khilafah yang diatur dengan syariah. Mereka<br />berpendapat bahwa kekhalifahan dan hukum Islam tidak dapat dipisahkan.<br />Tanpa Negara khilafah, syariah tidak dapat diterapkan dengan sempurna.<br />Gagasan utama inilah yang diusung oleh Hizbut Tahrir di seluruh dunia. Gagasan<br />pokok itulah yang mempertemukan idiologi dan pergerakan mereka. Hizbut<br />Tahrir masuk ke Indonesia pada tahun 1982 melalui M. Mustofa dan<br />Abdurrahman al-Bagdadi. Sebagaimana di negara-negara lain, HT mendapat<br />tekanan dari pemerintah. Dengan memanfaatkan momentum era reformasi,<br />HTI mulai mensosialisasikan ide-idenya secara terbuka. Bahkan pada tahun<br />2000 mereka telah mendaftarkan dirinya sebagai organisasi resmi di Depdagri<br />Ditjen Kesatuan Bangsa.<br />Studi ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap gagasan pemikiran HTI tentang<br />ekonomi politik, khususnya mengenai teori hubungan antara agama, negara<br />dan perekonomian, serta mengenai konstruksi keuangan publik. Kajian ini<br />dimaksudkan sebagai studi historis tentang pemikiran ekonomi Islam. Pokok<br />masalah dalam penelitian ini adalah: Pertama, bagaimana HTI tumbuh dan<br />berkembang di Indonesia. Kedua, bagaimanakah hubungan antara agama,<br />Negara dan perekonomian menurut mereka. Ketiga, bagaimanakah struktur<br />keuangan public menurut HTI?<br />Kajian kualitatif ini bersifat eksploratif-analisis, yakni dimaksudkan untuk mengurai dan menganalisa secara mendalam mengenai konsep-konsep kunci<br />dalam pemikiran HTI yang telah terdokumentasikan, baik dari sumber primer<br />maupun sekunder. Berdasar sifatnya, penelitian ini termasuk library research, di<br />mana bahan dan sumber data penelitian ini berupa karya-karya dari tokohtokoh<br />HTI yang telah terdokumentasikan dengan baik dalam jumlah besar,<br />termasuk dalam format Pdf. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa HTI cenderung<br />melihat segala persoalan ekonomi saat ini dengan merefleksikannya pada warisan<br />budaya masa lalu. Terkait dengan hal ini, slogan yang selalu mereka teriakkan<br />adalah “Syariah adalah satu-satunya solusi.” Dari cara berfikir ini dapat diperkirakan<br />bila pemikiran-pemikiran keuangan publik HTI akan menghadapi problem<br />kontektualitas.

scholarly journals Hukum Islam dalam Pergumulan Politik Hukum Nasional Era Reformasi

2013 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 273
Author(s):  
M. Shohibul Itmam
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Law ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Positive Law ◽  
Law And Politics ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The Government ◽  
Parliamentary Support

Abstract: This paper describes the existence of Islamic Law in the plurality of national law amidst the process of the tug of political struggle of national law in reform era. This discussion is focused on the following; first, the struggle of religion, law and politics in Indonesia; second, the development of Indonesian law and politics of law in reform era; third, the opportunities and challenges of Islamic law in the middle of the plurality of national law in reform era. This paper was as a result of library research using legal normative status, historical, and sociological point of view. The result of this study was that the struggle of religion, law and politics in Indonesia was as a process of symbiosis mutualism. Every religion has the same rights in a democratic frame of Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution and the government is as its regulator. The development of law and political law of the reform era indicated that the presence of political sciencetific engineering of Dutch law had resulted in positive law in Indonesia which had not met the legal awareness of the community. In fact, the opportunities and challenges of Islamic law in the middle of the plurality of national law of reform era are formulated in three aspects. Politically, the weak parliamentary support in the National Legislation Program  PROLEGNAS) affects the existence of Islamic law. Philosophically, the internal conflict in the understanding of Islamic law sometimes marginalize Islamic law itself. And sociologically, only few values of Islamic law are absorbed in a national scale.

scholarly journals SIMBOL AGAMA DAN ORGANISASI TRANSNASIONAL: LIWA’ DAN RAYAH DALAM BENDERA HIZBUT TAHRIR INDONESIA

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-68
Author(s):  
Dani Habibi
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Library Research ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Government ◽  
Heating Up

         This article aims to reveal the hermeneutical meaning behind the flags Liwa and Rayah. The two flags by Hizbu Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) are seen as the flag of the Prophet. However, this view was denied by other Islamic groups because the flags of Liwa and Rayah were the flags used by Taqiyyudin An-Nabhani when declaring the government of Khilfah Islamiyah. Flags Liwa and Rayah black and white, which Black called Rayah and white called Liwa'. The two flags read Laa illaaha illaa Allah Muhammad Rasul Allah. In making interpretations, the author uses Paul Ricoeur's hermeneutical theory. The interpretation debate is heating up when Hizbu Tahrir wants to replace the Pancasila ideology into the ideology of the Caliphate. The difference in interpretation, point of view and context of hadith is the main problem why researchers want to reinterpret. The hermeneutic approach according to researchers is appropriate if it is used for the method of interpreting hadith texts and religious symbols. This research includes qualitative research. Qualitative research is a type of library research that collects data from books, books, and journals. The results of this study are symbols in the HTI flag that have ideological and political movements. In this study, the flag symbol turned out to be a symbol of identity which led to the Islamic political movement. the movements and practices carried out by HTI are nothing but the change of the democratic system and the ideology of the Pancasila into the ideology of the Islamic Shari'a with the Khilafah Islamiyah system Abstrak           Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap makna hermeneutis di balik bendera Liwa dan Rayah. Kedua bendera tersebut oleh Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia dipandang sebagai bendera rasulullah. Namun pandangan tersebut dibantah oleh kelompok Islam lainya karena bendera liwa dan rayah adalah bendera yang digunakan oleh Taqiyyudin An-Nabhani ketika mendeklarasikan sistem pemerintahan Khilfah Islamiyah. Bendera liwa dan rayah berwarna  hitam dan putih, yang Hitam dinamakan Rayah dan putih dinamakan Liwa’.  Kedua bendera tersebut bertulisan Laa illaaha illaa Allah Muhammad Rasul Allah. Dalam melakukan interpretasi, penulis menggunakan teori hermeneutika Paul Ricoeur.. Perbedaan penafsiran, sudut pandang dan konteks hadis menjadi masalah utama kenapa peneliti ingin menafsirkan kembali. Pendekatan hermeneutika menurut peneliti sesuai jika digunakan untuk metode menafsirakan teks hadis dan simbol-simbol keagamaan. Penelitian ini termasuk penelitian kualitatif. Penelitian kualitatif  jenis penelitian pustaka yang mengumpulkan data-data dari kitab, buku, dan jurnal. Adapun hasil dari penelitian ini adalah simbol dalam bendera HTI mempunyai makna ideologi dan gerakan politik. Dalam penelitian ini, simbol bendera tersebut ternyata sebagai lambang  identitas yang berujung pada gerakan politik Islam. gerakan dan praktek yang dilakukan oleh HTI tidak lain adalah mengangganti sistem demokrasi dan ideologi Pancasila menjadi ideologi syari’at Islam dengan sistem pemerintahan Khilafah Islamiyah

scholarly journals Implikasi Pelaksanaan Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada) secara Serentak terhadap Aspek Sosial, Politik dan Ekonomi

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Achmad Zulfikar ◽  
Baharuddin Nur
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Local Election ◽  
Old Order ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World ◽  
Efficiency And Effectiveness ◽  
The Government

Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada) adalah antitesa dari pengangkatan kepala daerah yang telah berlangsung cukup lama, setidaknya hampir seusia dengan orde lama ditambah orde baru atau sekitar 50 tahun dari 70 tahun usia pemerintahan kita. Diangkat dan dipilih adalah dua hal yang berbeda. Dipilih tentu saja lebih demokratis daripada diangkat. Dipilih merupakan hasil dari sejumlah alternatif, sementara diangkat lebih terkesan suatu pilihan yang datang dari atas (top down). Pilkada merupakan sistem yang dibangun oleh pemerintah untuk memastikan Kepala Daerah berasal dari pilihan rakyat, bukan penunjukan dari pejabat atau kekuasaan diatasnya. Lazimnya, Pilkada berlangsung sesuai dengan penanggalan kegiatan politik setiap daerah, dimana batas masa tugas lima tahun dijadikan sebagai patokan untuk dilaksanakannya Pilkada lagi. Namun pada 9 Desember 2015 ini penanggalan itu mengalami perubahan atas dasar pertimbangan efisiensi dan efektivitas pelaksanaan Pilkada ke depan. Oleh karenanya, Pilkada yang akan berlangsungi di Indonesia ini merupakan pesta demokrasi terbesar yang pernah dilakukan di negeri ini, bahkan di dunia. Dalam makalah ini, penulis tertantang untuk menelaah bagaimana kemungkinan yang akan timbul sebagai implikasi Pilkada serentak ini terhadap aspek sosial, politik dan ekonomi masyarakat di Indonesia.---Local election / regional head election is antithesis of appointment of region head which have lasted long enough, at least almost as old with Old Order Era plus with New Order Era or about 50 year from 70 year old of Indonesian was established. Appointment and election are two different things. Elected is certainly more democratic than appointed. Elected is the result of a number of alternatives, while being lifted is more impressed with a choice that comes from the top. Local election is a system built by the government to ensure the Regional Head comes from the people's choice, not the appointment of officials or powers above it. Typically, elections take place in accordance with the political activities of each region, where the five-year term is used as a benchmark for the implementation of re-elections. However, on December 9, 2015 this calendar has changed based on the consideration of efficiency and effectiveness of Local election implementation in the future. Therefore, the elections that will take place in Indonesia is the biggest democracy party ever conducted in this country, even in the world. In this paper, the authors challenged to examine how the possibilities would arise as the implications of this Local concurrent election on the social, political and economic aspects of society in Indonesia.

scholarly journals Post-ISIS Iraq and the Shia Armed Groups

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-137
Author(s):  
Kardo Rached ◽  
Ahmed Omar Bali
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Weberian Theory ◽  
Supreme Leader ◽  
The Government ◽  
The City ◽  
Self Defence

The political environment of Iraq in the period from 2011-2014 experienced a great degree of turbulence. Many Sunni tribes in the Anbar, Ramadi and Salahadin regions organized a daily protest against the central government, accusing it of being sectarian. Gradually, these protests become more popular, and the Baghdad government became fearful that it would spread into the other regions of Iraq. In order to control the protests, the government used force, and many were killed. Simultaneously, in Syria, and especially during 2013-2014, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) controlled more land and more people, and to take advantage of the Iraqi people's dissatisfaction with their government, ISIS crossed the border between Iraq and Syria in June 2014. Mosul as the second most heavily populated city was seized by ISIS and the Iraqi army could not fight back, which meant that the Iraqi army retreated from most of the Sunni areas. Even Baghdad, the capital of Iraq, and the city where the central government operates, was threatened. While the Iraqi army was unable to fight against ISIS, the Shia religious supreme leader Al-Sistani called for self-defence and to stand against ISIS. Sistani’s call became a cornerstone for the creation of the so-called Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) with the aim of the fighting against ISIS. In this article, we assess the PMF from different perspectives, for example, using the Weberian theory that the state is the only entity that has a monopoly on violence, considering Ariel Ahram's model of state-sponsored and government-sponsored militias, and finally the devolution of violence to these armed groups.

The political and security repercussions of Islamic State in the MENA region

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marién Durán ◽  
Víctor Bados
Keyword(s):  
The Self ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Security Framework ◽  
Mena Region ◽  
International Response ◽  
Domain Type ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

This chapter examines the political, territorial and security repercussions of the self-proclaimed Islamic State (IS) for the MENA region, and particularly in Syria, Iraq and Libya. The proclamation of the IS, on 29 June 2014, has had a major impact on political and security alike. It has been given a new twist to the war in Iraq and Syria and the Libyan conflict on the following aspects: (i) amplifying and making the conflict more complex with related implications on security; (ii) establishing a new mode of governance in the conquered territories; and (iii) further producing a new security framework in MENA region. After a brief contextualization about the origins and goals of IS, the chapter analyses the following sections: (i) the impact of IS in the security domain (type of conflict with its own signs of identity); (ii) the government exerted in the occupied territories; and (iii) the implications and impacts on the security realm throughout MENA region by focusing on two main domains: the international response to the threat provided by the international community, and the new configuration of regional and global alliances. The main contribution of this chapter dues to the scarcity of studies in this regard is the analysis of the IS’ conflict typology.

Evolving Political Discourse on Poverty Alleviation in Sri Lanka

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 171-181
Author(s):  
Upul Abeyrathne
Keyword(s):  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Poverty Alleviation ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Government

There is a voluminous literature on poverty alleviation efforts of Sri Lanka. The present engagement with discourse on evolving political discourse on poverty alleviation touches a different aspect, i.e. instrumental utility of policy in keeping and maintaining the status quo. The study is based on examination of the content of public policies depending on the major strand of thought associated in different eras since colonial presence in Sri Lanka. It helps to identify the continuities and discontinuities of policy discourse. The discussion on the evolution of public policy on poverty alleviation revealed that issues of the poor has occupied a priority in the political agenda of the government whenever a political movement is active in politicizing the poor. However, the very objective of such policies were not aimed at empowering the poor but keeping them subordinated. The study concludes that poverty remains unresolved due to poverty of politics.

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