When Carbon Taxes Work

2018 ◽  
pp. 83-124
Author(s):  
Barry G. Rabe

Carbon pricing is a political challenge but not an impossibility. This chapter examines cases where initial carbon tax adoption was followed by an enduring period of political support, successful implementation, and achievement of key policy goals. This includes a series of carbon taxes adopted in four Nordic countries in the 1990s and also more recent cases from British Columbia and Ireland. The British Columbia case is particularly noteworthy as it represents an effort by a center-right government to establish a relatively steep tax and reallocate all revenue to the public through a series of tax reductions.

Orchestration ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 60-88
Author(s):  
James Reilly

This chapter examines four Chinese economic statecraft initiatives across Western Europe. It starts with Beijing’s “purchasing diplomacy”: the public presentation of investments and purchases by major Chinese enterprises in the wake of Europe’s financial crisis. It next turns to China’s financial statecraft, examining Beijing’s purchases of euro-denominated debt and support for the EU’s currency stabilization efforts. Despite domestic criticism of both initiatives, Chinese policymakers effectively incentivized and coordinated among banks and economic agencies. The third case examines Beijing’s promotion of RMB internationalization in Europe. Policymakers successfully leveraged competition among Europe’s financial capitals to secure political support for Beijing’s policy objectives. The final case provides an example of infrastructure investment by a state-owned enterprise: COSCO’s massive investment into the Greek port of Piraeus. Despite successful implementation, Beijing’s economic statecraft exacerbated populist anxieties, undermining China’s foreign policy goals in Western Europe.


2018 ◽  
Vol 09 (01) ◽  
pp. 1840008 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARTIN T. ROSS

This paper examines impacts of nationally-imposed carbon taxes on different regions of the United States. The goal is to see what can be learned about the drivers of regional political support for and opposition to such measures. Whether at the state, regional or national levels, carbon taxes are one option for reducing greenhouse gas emissions; several state and regional programs are already under way and lowering emissions. This analysis uses a U.S. regional version of the DIEM computable general equilibrium model to explore relationships between carbon taxes, emissions, and economic growth. One area of emphasis is how the distribution of impacts may be affected by differences in regional household spending patterns, the types of industries and electricity generation situated in those regions, and the locations of energy production and energy-intensive manufacturing. The modeling also explores how carbon tax revenues can be used to offset impacts on regional factor earnings.


2010 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 82-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Saalfeld

A comparison of the 2005-2009 cabinet Merkel I (the “Grand“ Coalition) and the Christian Democrat-Liberal coalition cabinet Merkel II formed in 2009 presents an interesting puzzle. Political commentators and coalition theorists alike would have expected the CDU/CSU-SPD coalition to experience a relatively high, and the CDU/CSU-FDP coalition a relatively low level of overt inter-party conflict. In reality, however, relations in the CDU/CSU-FDP coalition were relatively conflictive, whereas the Grand Coalition seemed to manage conflict between reluctant partners successfully. This article seeks to explain these seemingly paradoxical differences between the two coalitions. It demonstrates that both the positioning of the coalition parties in the policy space and important institutions constraining coalition bargaining after the formation of the cabinet Merkel II (portfolio allocation, role of the CDU/CSU state minister presidents) disadvantaged the FDP in pursuing its key policy goals (especially tax reform). As a result, the Liberals resorted to “noisy“ tactics in the public sphere. The grand coalition, by contrast, was an alliance of co-equals, which facilitated a more consensual management of inter-party conflict.


2019 ◽  
pp. 35-52
Author(s):  
Gilbert E. Metcalf

In non-technical language, the chapter explains why economists favor putting a price on pollution as the least expensive way to cut pollution to its socially optimal level. Using a pollution example from nineteenth-century British law made famous by the Chicago economist Ronald Coase, the chapter lays out the principles for good environmental policy and shows how a carbon tax fits with those principles. It introduces Arthur C. Pigou, an early twentieth-century economist who saw that a tax on pollution could use the power of the market to solve the pollution problem. It then demonstrates that carbon taxes in British Columbia and Sweden have not harmed their economies but have helped reduce carbon pollution.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tsung-Sheng Liao

The effects on the environment as a consequence of climate change are severe, especially the problem causing from anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions. It is necessary to internalize these external costs caused by human activities. Taxes should be levied on polluters so as to reduce pollutions. Thus, accompanying with appropriate complementary measures and policies, carbon taxes are effective to mitigate emissions of CO2. Meanwhile, the carbon tax system in British Columbia, Canada achieves notable effectiveness, is worth further studying and analyzing, and can become a model for Taiwan.


Author(s):  
Ramnik Kaur

E-governance is a paradigm shift over the traditional approaches in Public Administration which means rendering of government services and information to the public by using electronic means. In the past decades, service quality and responsiveness of the government towards the citizens were least important but with the approach of E-Government the government activities are now well dealt. This paper withdraws experiences from various studies from different countries and projects facing similar challenges which need to be consigned for the successful implementation of e-governance projects. Developing countries like India face poverty and illiteracy as a major obstacle in any form of development which makes it difficult for its government to provide e-services to its people conveniently and fast. It also suggests few suggestions to cope up with the challenges faced while implementing e-projects in India.


Public Voices ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Terry Newell

On August 9,1974, Gerald Ford took the oath as president when Richard Nixon resigned in the wake of Watergate.   Ford's inaugural remarks and the actions that followed, aimed at restoring trust in government and gaining the legitimacy he needed to confront national problems, rested on both his character and his leadership talent.  His public approval rating soared.  Thirty-one days later, Ford spoke to the nation again, announcing his pardon of the disgraced former president.  That speech and the actions connected to it also depended on Ford's character and leadership skills.  Yet, his approval plummeted, dooming his prospects to win the 1976 election. This one-month period offers important lessons for public leaders who want to both be good and do good.  Ford succeeded in the first speech and failed in the second.   The ability to articulate a transcendent public purpose, persuade the public in a compelling way, and master the art of building political support proved decisive in both cases.   Also decisive was his character and the way he sought to call forth the moral character of the nation.   


Author(s):  
Christina Joy Ditmore ◽  
Angela K. Miller

Mobility as a Service (MaaS) is the concept through which travelers plan, book, and pay for public or private transport on a single platform using either a service or subscription-based model. Observations of current projects identified two distinct approaches to enabling MaaS: the private-sector approach defined as a “business model,” and the public sector approach that manifests as an “operating model.” The distinction between these models is significant. MaaS provides a unique opportunity for the public sector to set and achieve public policy goals by leveraging emerging technologies in favor of the public good. Common policy goals that relate to transportation include equity and access considerations, environmental impact, congestion mitigation, and so forth. Strategies to address these policy goals include behavioral incentivization and infrastructure reallocation. This study substantiates two models for implementing MaaS and expanding on the public sector approach, to enable policy in favor of the public good.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Mathew Alexander ◽  
Lynn Unruh ◽  
Andriy Koval ◽  
William Belanger

Abstract As of November 2020, the United States leads the world in confirmed coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) cases and deaths. Over the past 10 months, the United States has experienced three peaks in new cases, with the most recent spike in November setting new records. Inaction and the lack of a scientifically informed, unified response have contributed to the sustained spread of COVID-19 in the United States. This paper describes major events and findings from the domestic response to COVID-19 from January to November 2020, including on preventing transmission, COVID-19 testing and contact tracing, ensuring sufficient physical infrastructure and healthcare workforce, paying for services, and governance. We further reflect on the public health response to-date and analyse the link between key policy decisions (e.g. closing, reopening) and COVID-19 cases in three states that are representative of the broader regions that have experienced spikes in cases. Finally, as we approach the winter months and undergo a change in national leadership, we highlight some considerations for the ongoing COVID-19 response and the broader United States healthcare system. These findings describe why the United States has failed to contain COVID-19 effectively to-date and can serve as a reference in the continued response to COVID-19 and future pandemics.


Author(s):  
Debora Di Gioacchino ◽  
Laura Sabani ◽  
Stefano Usai

AbstractThis paper provides a simple model of hierarchical education to study the political determination of public education spending and its allocation between different tiers of education. The model integrates private education decisions by allowing parents, who are differentiated according to income and human capital, to top up public expenditures with private transfers. We identify four groups of households with conflicting preferences over the the size of the public education budget and its allocation. In equilibrium, public education budget, private expenditures and expenditure allocation among different tiers of education, depend on which group of households is in power and on country-specific features such as income inequality and intergenerational persistence in education. By running a cluster analysis on 32 OECD countries, we seek to establish if distinctive ‘education regimes’, akin to those identified in the theoretical analysis, could be discerned. Our main finding is that a high intergenerational persistence in education might foster the establishment of education regimes in which the size and the allocation of the public budget among different tiers of education prevent a stable and significant increase of the population graduation rate, thus plunging the country in a ‘low education’ trap.


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