Understanding Homelands

Homelands ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 8-34
Author(s):  
Nadav G. Shelef

This chapter explores the theoretical arguments that homelands matter, that their contours can change, and that evolutionary processes arising from domestic political contestation could account for such transformations. Nationalism calls homelands into being; it is the nationalist project that transforms mere land into homeland and sanctifies it. The chapter shows that, despite its importance to nationalists, two aspects of the homeland are often domestically contested: (1) exactly which tracts of land are part of it; and (2) what logic or combination of logics is used to designate land as part of the homeland. It is the outcome of the political competition between movements that vary in the answers they provide to one or both of these questions that selects which shape of the homeland becomes taken for granted in the wider society and whether lost lands come to be excluded from it. The chapter then develops the empirically observable implications of this theory as well as alternative explanations for contractions in the homeland's scope. These implications serve as the foundation for the empirical exploration in both the cases studies and the cross-national statistical analysis that follow.

2021 ◽  
pp. 026732312110121
Author(s):  
Montse Bonet ◽  
David Fernández-Quijada

This article aims to study how private European radio is becoming commercially international through the expansion of radio brands beyond their national market. It is the first ever analysis of the expansion strategies of radio groups across Europe, including their footprint in each market in which they operate, from the political economy of cultural industries. The article maps the main radio groups in Europe, analyses cross-national champions in depth and establishes three main types. This study shows that, thanks to the possibilities of a deregulated market, strengthening the role of the brand and the format, and the agreements with other groups, broadcasting radio has overcome the obstacles that, historically, hindered its cross-border expansion.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 407-432
Author(s):  
Dong-Kyun Im

In the last decades, enhancing social trust and improving social quality have been often considered as the antidote to the problems produced by the neoliberal makeover of the social life. However, it remains unclear whether higher social quality and trust actually produce more pro-social attitudes among people. Based on a statistical analysis of a cross-national survey administered in five countries, this article shows that social quality and social trust, as empirical indicators of the social, do not always generate pro-social attitudes. It demonstrates that perceived social quality and trust on social institutions can generate both conservative and liberal attitudes toward social welfare and taxation. In order to explain the varying effects of social quality and trust, we propose a heuristic model of political cognition and motivation, which illustrates how the political variety of the social is possible. Our model highlights the contextual contingencies of the political meaning of the social.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 457-482 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mario Quaranta

This article tests the cross-national equivalence of the political protest scale, as developed by Barnes and Kaase, in 20 Western European countries using a battery of items included in the fourth wave of the European Values Study. The scale measuring the concept of political protest is widely used, but no evidence of cross-country equivalence has yet been provided in the literature. The article illustrates the concept of political protest, the relationship between concept formation, operationalization, and measurement equivalence, and the possible consequences of a lack of equivalence. It is argued that comparative research may be threatened by a lack of measurement equivalence. The spread of international surveys eases comparative designs, but at the same time enlarges the chances that we compare what is not actually comparable. The article then outlines an empirical strategy to assess the political protest scale's measurement equivalence. To assess cross-country equivalence, Mokken Scale Analysis, a nonparametric scaling method within the family of Item Response Theory models, is used. This has been shown to work better than Confirmatory Factor Analysis when dealing with dichotomous and polytomous items forming ordinal scales. The results show that the cross-country equivalence of the political protest scale depends on the type of measure the scholar wishes to build and use.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (5) ◽  
pp. 469-495
Author(s):  
Nicolás M. Somma ◽  
Matías A. Bargsted

AbstractThis article presents a “distributional” approach for the study of political inequality of voice (hereinafterPIV) which complements the prevailing “categorical” approach. It measures distributionalPIVusing a country-level political Gini index based on the 2004ISSPsurvey applied to 38 countries. This measure indicates how evenly political voice – as measured by individual engagement in several political participation activities – is distributed among the adult population. The authors highlight three results: 1) there is considerable cross-national variation in the political Gini, which ranges from 0.33 (Canada and New Zealand) to 0.81 (Hungary); 2) the political Gini is modestly correlated with categorical measures ofPIV; 3) political inequality is statistically and substantively higher in countries with younger and less consolidated democratic institutions, in those with predominantly clientelistic rather than programmatic political competition, and in less socioeconomically developed countries, though this last association is less robust than the formers.


2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (8) ◽  
pp. 996-1018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caroline Beer ◽  
Neil J. Mitchell

Democracy and the protection of human rights generally go together, but not in India. India is an outlier in the cross-national research that aims to explain human rights performance. Using state-level subnational data and drawing on the approaches pioneered at the cross-national level, the authors examine the reasons for the outlier status. Their findings suggest that the aggregate whole-nation human rights and democracy scores misrepresent the political experience of much of India. The authors find that participation, political parties, and the level and nature of opposition threat help us understand the incidence of human rights violations within India.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (5) ◽  
pp. 596-616 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louise Brangan

It is now common in the sociology of punishment to lament that comparative penology has not matured as an area of research. While there have been seminal works in the comparative canon, their conceptual tools tend to be drawn from grand narratives and macro-structural perspectives. Comparative researchers therefore lack concepts that can help capture the complexity of penality within a single nation, limiting the cross-national perspective. Why is this relative lack of comparative refinement still the case? This article investigates this question by looking specifically at penal exceptionalism, a concept central to comparative penology. While punitiveness as a comparative and descriptive category has been critiqued, its converse, penal exceptionalism remains prevalent but undertheorised. Examining exceptionalism reveals that it is not merely the macro-structural approach to comparison that has limited the development of cross-national sociology of punishment, but the Anglocentric assumptions, which are the bedrock of comparative penology. In this essay, I argue that penal exceptionalism versus punitiveness is an Anglocentric formulation. These taken-for-granted assumptions have become so central to the comparative enterprise that they act as a barrier to developing new innovative comparative frameworks and concepts. The article concludes by suggesting some methodological strategies that are intended as a way of helping comparative penology to expand its toolkit and support the ongoing development of more equitable criminological knowledge.


Author(s):  
Gal Ariely

This chapter provides a broad overview of the political culture in Israel. It begins by discussing whether a single Israeli political culture can indeed be identified. It then surveys the principal factors that shape political culture and the key changes from the early days of nation-building attempts to Israel’s current, more multicultural character. Making use of a cultural-value map, the chapter then addresses the question of whether Israel’s political culture is indeed “Western” and compares the principal Israeli political orientations with those of other societies. Finally, it analyzes aspects of system support and democratic norms via the use of national and cross-national survey data. The analysis presented concludes that Israeli political culture is dominated by countervailing forces that create a combination of assertive and allegiant forms of citizenship.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Kenneth M. Roberts

Abstract Polarization may be the most consistent effect of populism, as it is integral to the logic of constructing populist subjects. This article distinguishes between constitutive, spatial and institutional dimensions of polarization, adopting a cross-regional comparative perspective on different subtypes of populism in Europe, Latin America and the US. It explains why populism typically arises in contexts of low political polarization (the US being a major, if partial, outlier), but has the effect of sharply increasing polarization by constructing an anti-establishment political frontier, politicizing new policy or issue dimensions, and contesting democracy's institutional and procedural norms. Populism places new issues on the political agenda and realigns partisan and electoral competition along new programmatic divides or political cleavages. Its polarizing effects, however, raise the stakes of political competition and intensify conflict over the control of key institutional sites.


2001 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donley T. Studlar

Canada is unusual among advanced industrial democracies in having some provinces which regularly have greater voter turnouts for provincial than for federal elections. Provincial and federal turnouts by province in Canada are analyzed for the 1945-1998 period using multiple regression analysis, both for each set of elections and by comparing differences between the two. Federal turnout has declined over the years but provincial turnout appears to have increased slightly. Although the effects found here largely confirm previous findings about the relative effects of different types of variables found for the Canadian federal level only, several of the political explanations previously supported in cross-national research find less support. Instead, region, population density, months since the last federal or provincial election, and season of the year generally have greater and sometimes more consistent effects. This suggests the need for more studies of turnout in democracies at sub-central levels.


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