scholarly journals Oil and Global Insecurity: Lessons from Asia, Latin America and African Oil Producing Countries

Author(s):  
Umaru Tsaku Samuel

This paper critically digs into history to examine the role oil played in generating war among nations. It also examines conflicts and agitations within nations as well as regime-change in the global system with their attendant consequences on global security. The discovery of oil as a major source of energy for the running of military and civilian complexes the world over, has been a blessing and a curse. Oil as a commodity has contributed in no small measure to growth and development as it helps in turning the wheels necessary for industrialization.  However, the search for oil over the years by nations of the world has engendered conflicts and full-fletched wars within and among nations due to antagonistic encounter of interests. Asian and African oil producing countries are the worst hit, as established powers sponsor proxy wars, change unfriendly regimes in the name of accessing abundant oil resources with all the security implications these portend. Within the oil producing states, agitations and rebellion are commonplace in oil producing regions. The governing elites see oil revenue as opportunity for primitive accumulation leaving the people in oil producing regions in extreme poverty and deprivation in the midst of abundant wealth. The frustration and agony of the people find expression in violence and counter violence by the state reducing the oil regions to theaters of conflicts and security crises. The paper however, concluded and recommended that; oil search by the established and emerging powers should be carried out within the confines of the law. Oil producing states deserve to be respected by the international community to utilize their resources for the development of their people. There must not be interference in their internal affairs. Again, the governing elites should develop strategies for equitably distributing oil wealth among the various stake holders within the oil producing states so as to nib rebellion in the bud for the sake of international peace and security.     

Author(s):  
Keith Krause

This article evaluates the achievements and limitations of the world organization in the field of disarmament. It stresses the role of the UN as part of the efforts to control arms as a way to achieve international peace and security. It also notes specific cases where progress was achieved or not, as well as the more recent efforts to handle the problems of anti-personnel land mines and small arms and light weapons. The article also tries to draw out some of the broader implications for international relations of the UN experience with formal multilateral arms control, among others.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michaela Martin ◽  
Hussein Solomon

The Islamic State (IS) took the global stage in June 2014 and since has become one of the greatest threats to international peace and security. While initially closely affiliated with Al-Qaeda, the IS has proved itself to be a distinct phenomenon of horror—more dangerous than Al-Qaeda. The group essentially established itself in the volatile Middle East, but has infiltrated many parts of the world with the aim of expanding Islam’s Holy War. What certainly makes the IS different from its predecessors is that the group has been labeled the wealthiest terrorist group in the world today. By the fall of 2015, IS generated an annual income of US$2.4 billion. The question for many analysts observing the situation in Syria is: where does the IS gets its money? The aim of this article is to critically observe the nature of IS and its funding requirements and the measures pursued in curtailing the group’s funding.


2020 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 569-586
Author(s):  
Peya Mushelenga

This article discusses aspects of Namibia’s foreign policy principles and how they impact on the values of democracy, and issue of peace and security in the region. The article will focus on the attainment of peace in Angola, democratisation of South Africa, and security situations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Madagascar and Lesotho. The main question of this article is: To what extent has Namibia realised the objectives encapsulated in her foreign policy principles of striving for international peace and security and promote the values of democracy in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region? The assumption is that though relatively a newly established state, Namibia has made her contribution towards democracy, peace and security in the Southern Africa region and the world at large.


2000 ◽  
Vol 94 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
David D. Caron

In fact, the first organized communities of international law . . . are organizations the function of which is to settle conflicts.Hans KelsenBut here we shall note the recurrence of a paradox . . . . Where practice is least ethical, theory becomes most Utopian.Edward Hallett CarrThe belief that a world free of war might be possible, be more than simply a dream, is a relatively recent phenomenon. In earlier times, war—like disease—was a part of life. There existed then a fatalism about war that no doubt persists in many parts of the world today. During the nineteenth century, however, parts of the world developed a confidence in progress and a hope that progress might extend to the abolition of war. Most importantly for this essay, a popular belief circulated at the e nd of the century that the establishment of a permanent international court would be an important step toward a world free of war. Ad hoc arbitration, as distinct from adjudication by such a permanent court, was not the same and, by itself, not enough. The 1899 Peace Conference was a point of inflection, a turn in the river, in the effort to move beyond ad hoc international arbitration to adjudication by a permanent international court as a means to avoid war a nd preserve international peace and security.


1996 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 773-795 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. F. Amerasinghe

The prospects for international administrative law and the international administrative legal system in the future and particularly in the next century will be determined to a large extent by how much importance the world attaches to international organisations and particularly to the maintenance of an independent international civil service as a means of securing international peace and security, promoting development and fostering international co-operation. Not only must there be a change in the current attitude of certain governments towards international organisations as a means to this end but there must also be a more sanguine approach to the singular importance of an independent civil service in the process. What can be said about the international administrative legal system and international administrative law in the future must be conditioned necessarily to a large extent by assumptions made about what is going to happen in the future to both international organisations and the civil service.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-30
Author(s):  
Rizqi Perdana Syarif

Abstract As of writing this article, the United Nations (UN) has turned 75 Years old. Formed from the end of World War II, the UN’s leadership is made up of the War’s victorious countries. The organization consists of 193 states from around the world. After 75 years, the UN has been criticized as being slow in responding to issues concerning International peace and security, even though the handling of such issues constitutes one of the main objectives of the UN. Proposals for UN reform have emerged since 1949 until today, but there were never any real efforts to restore the UN to its original function. Mandates from some Member States have urged the reformation of the organization. This paper discusses the efforts of the UN in responding to proposals for reform and the role of Indonesia as one of the member states of the UN. It is hoped that Indonesia can support and bring change to the UN. Keywords: Indonesia, Reform, UN   Abstrak Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa atau biasa disingkat PBB, sudah berumur 75 Tahun. Dibentuk dari berakhirnya perang dunia kedua, PBB dikuasai oleh para negara pemenang perang dunia. Lima Negara Anggota Permanent menginisiasi untuk membentuk PBB, dan kemudian bersama negara-negara di dunia membentuk Organisasi terbesar di dunia yang melingkupi 193 negara di seluruh dunia. Setelah 75 tahun usianya, PBB dinilai lambat dalam merespon isu yang berkaitan perdamaian dunia padahal isu tersebut merupakan tujuan dari dibentuknya PBB. Usulan untuk melakukan reformasi pun bergulir dari tahun 1949 hingga saat ini, namun belum pernah ada upaya yang riil untuk mengembalikan PBB kepada fungsi aslinya. Berdasarkan mandat dari beberapa negara Anggota PBB, PBB didesak untuk melakukan reformasi. Pada Makalah ini akan dibahas mengenai usaha yang dilakukan PBB dalam menyikapi Reformasi PBB dan Peran Indonesia sebagai salah satu negara anggota PBB. Indonesia sebagai negara anggota PBB berharap bahwa dukungannya dapat membawa perubahan bagi PBB. Kata Kunci: Indonesia, PBB, Reformasi


1962 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 444-446

Meeting in July 1959 at Sanniquellie, Liberia, President Tubman of Liberia, President Touré of Ginea, and Prime Minister Nkrumah of Ghana pledged themselves to work together for the formation of a “Community of Independent African States.” To this end, they decided that a special conference should be held in 1960 after Nigeria, Togoland, and the Cameroons had attained independence. They agreed on the following principles to be presented to the projected conference as the basis for discussion: 1) Africans, like all other peoples, had an inherent right to independence and self-determination; 2) the name of the proposed organization should be the “Community of Independent African States;” 3) each state or federation which became a member of the Community should maintain its own national identity and constitutional structure; 4) each member should accept the principle of noninterference in the internal affairs of any other-member; 5) the acts of states or federations members of the Community should be determined in relation to the essential objectives of freedom, independence, and unity of the African personality; 6) the policy of the Community should be to build up a prosperous African unity for the benefit of the peoples of Africa and of the world, and in the interests of international peace and security; 7) a main objective should be to help accelerate the independence of African territories subjected to domination; 8) the Community should set up an economic council, a cultural council, and a scientific and research council; 9) membership should be open to all independent African states and federations and to nonindependent countries upon their attainment of independence; 10) the Community should have a flag and an anthem, to be decided upon at a later date; and 11) the motto of the Community should be “Independence and Unity.”


Author(s):  
Adama Dieng

This chapter focuses on the role and responsibility of the Security Council to maintain international peace and security through the prevention of atrocity crimes, as reflected in the World Summit Outcome Document. It is argued that, considering the near impossibility of seeking consensus by the veto-wielding members of the Council, in some cases that require its intervention, it is essential that regional institutions assume a greater role in preventing and protecting populations against atrocity crimes. This chapter argues for a renewed approach to international efforts to provide requisite support to these institutions to ensure that they assume a proactive role in protecting populations.


2001 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nuno Sérgio Marques Antunes

The Award on Maritime Delimitation concerning the second stage of the Eritrea/Yemen case (hereinafter “Award” or “Second Award”) was delivered on 17 December 1999, pursuant to the Arbitration Agreement signed in October 1996 and following the Award on Territorial Sovereignty rendered on 9 October 1998 (hereinafter “First Award”). The two-stage settlement devised in Article 2 of the arbitral compromis bears a perceptive logic—territorial sovereignty issues precede maritime delimitation—the advantages of which makes it likely to be adopted in future similar dispute settlements. Importantly, in casu, the objective of re-establishing a peaceful relationship between the two peoples and contributing to the maintenance of international peace and security in a sensitive region of the world seems to have been attained.1


2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 126
Author(s):  
Yusmichad Yusdja

<strong>English</strong><br />In general, world trade concept is built upon principles of different comparative and competitive advantages among countries. If the countries produce and trade based on comparative and competitive advantages, it is believed that efficiency in scarce resources use will improve such that the people all over the world will be better off. Comparative advantage is a 250-years old concept and is still established, so far. This paper aims to describe the dark side of comparative and competitive advantages and to introduce cooperative advantage concept. The paper explains that cooperative advantage concept in international collaboration is more promising than those of comparative and competitive advantages. Mathematically, it reveals that cooperative conduct in international collaboration will create more benefits, especially in efficiency, income distribution, welfare, and international peace. On the other hand, the guarantee of comparative and competitive advantages is an illusion only. <br /><br /><br /><strong>Indonesian</strong><br />Konsep perdagangan dunia secara umum dibangun berdasarkan pemikiran keunggulan komparatif dan daya saing  yang berbeda antara negara.  Jika negara-negara berproduksi dan berdagang dengan mengacu pada keunggulan komparatif dan persaingan, maka diyakini akan meningkatkan efisiensi penggunaan sumberdaya yang langka sehingga tercapai tingkat kesejahteraan dunia yang lebih baik. Keunggulan komparatif merupakan konsep yang telah berusia 250 tahun namun tidak tergoyahkan hingga saat ini. Makalah ini bertujuan memperlihatkan sisi gelap konsep keunggulan komparatif dan daya saing  dan memperkenalkan konsep keunggulan kooperatif.  Makalah ini memperlihatkan bahwa konsep keunggulan kooperatif dalam hubungan internasional  akan memberikan dampak yang jauh lebih menjanjikan dibandingkan dengan  konsep keunggulan komparatif dan daya saing. Secara matematika diperlihatkan bahwa sikap kooperatif  dalam hubungan negara-negara akan memberikan lebih banyak manfaat terutama dalam menciptakan efisiensi dunia, distribusi pendapatan, kesejahteraan yang lebih tinggi dan kedamaian dunia. Sedangkan janji yang diberikan oleh konsep keunggulan komparatif dalam pasar bersaing hanyalah sebuah ilusi.


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