scholarly journals The Biggest Peaceful Protest against Corporations in Human History—Daring Farmers of India

Author(s):  
Kamaljit K. Sangha

The current crisis in Indian agriculture warrants solutions, but in consultation with farmers and related institutions; unlike the imposition of Farming Reforming Bills passed by the Indian Government on 20-22 September 2020. The three recent Indian Government’s Farming Reform Acts i.e. Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce; Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act; and Essential Commodities Act, have caused frustration and agitation among millions of farmers, farm-workers, and the general public since September 2020. The agitation continues to date and has expanded to almost every state and territory. The government has failed to understand the fundamental farmers’ perspective—agriculture is their heritage, not a business. The main reason for the design of these Acts is that policymakers within the government do not understand the true value of agricultural economy in villages which are the foundation of India, and instead prefer to liaise with corporations for business gains while compromising the needs of millions of people. This article provides a critical analysis of the current agricultural situation in India.

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip L. Martin

Agriculture has one of the highest shares of foreign-born and unauthorized workers among US industries; over three-fourths of hired farm workers were born abroad, usually in Mexico, and over half of all farm workers are unauthorized. Farm employers are among the few to openly acknowledge their dependence on migrant and unauthorized workers, and they oppose efforts to reduce unauthorized migration unless the government legalizes currently illegal farm workers or provides easy access to legal guest workers. The effects of migrants on agricultural competitiveness are mixed. On the one hand, wages held down by migrants keep labour-intensive commodities competitive in the short run, but the fact that most labour-intensive commodities are shipped long distances means that long-run US competitiveness may be eroded as US farmers have fewer incentives to develop labour-saving and productivity-improving methods of farming and production in lower-wage countries expands.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 126-134
Author(s):  
Agung Perdana Kusuma

In the 18th century, although the Dutch Company controlled most of the archipelago, the Netherlands also experienced a decline in trade. This was due to the large number of corrupt employees and the fall in the price of spices which eventually created the VOC. Under the rule of H.W. Daendels, the colonial government began to change the way of exploitation from the old conservative way which focused on trade through the VOC to exploitation managed by the government and the private sector. Ulama also strengthen their ties with the general public through judicial management, and compensation, and waqaf assets, and by leading congregational prayers and various ceremonies for celebrating birth, marriage and death. Their links with a large number of artisans, workers (workers), and the merchant elite were very influential.


Politeia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mbekezeli Comfort Mkhize ◽  
Kongko Louis Makau

This article argues that the 2015 xenophobic violence was allowed to spread due to persistent inaction by state officials. While the utterances of King Goodwill Zwelithini have in part fuelled the attacks, officials tend to perceive acts of xenophobia as ordinary crimes. This perception has resulted in ill-advised responses from the authorities, allowing this kind of hate crime against foreign nationals to engulf the whole country. In comparison with similar attacks in 2008, the violent spree in 2015 is characterised by a stronger surge in criminal activities. The militancy showcased fed a sense of insecurity amongst foreigners, creating a situation inconsistent with the country’s vaunted respect for human rights and the rule of law. Investors lost confidence in the country’s outlook, owing in part to determined denialism in government circles regarding the targeting of foreigners. While drawing from existing debates, the article’s principal objective is to critically examine the structural problems that enable xenophobia to proliferate and the (in)effectiveness of responses to the militancy involved in the 2015 attacks. Of particular interest are the suggested responses that could be effective in curbing future violence. The article concludes that xenophobia is systemic in post-apartheid South Africa. Strong cooperation between the government, national and international organisations could provide the basis for successful anti-xenophobia measures. The article further argues that the country is obliged to find a sustainable solution to the predicament for humanitarian reasons firstly, and in recognition of the support South Africans received from its African counterparts during the liberation struggle.


Author(s):  
سوهيرين محمد صالحين ◽  
ناصر يوسف

يستعرض هذا البحث مكانة محمد ناصر الوزير والمفكِّر والداعية والمصلح في بلاده إندونيسيا بخاصة وآسيا بعامة. كما يبسط رأي الشخصيات الآسيوية في شخص محمد الناصر لا سيما من الذين عايشوه من قرب واحتكوا به وأفادوا منه، أمثال: أمين رئيس، وأنور إبراهيم، وفوكودا، وغيرهم من العارفين الآسيويين الذي تقلَّدوا مناصب عليا في بلادهم وأسمعوا صوتهم للعالم؛ إذ أجمعوا على أن محمد ناصر أرض هادرة، وعملة نادرة ليست قابلة للسكِّ، وحكاية غير عابرة بل حاضرة في وجدان كل إنسان في قلبه إنسان. الكلمات المفتاحية: محمد ناصر، إندونيسيا، محمد رئيس، أنور إبراهيم، فوكودا. Abstract The paper attempts to expose the position of Muhammad Natsir in his capacity as Prime Minister, thinker, preacher and Muslim reformer of Indonesia and Asia in general. Prominent figures, such as Amin Rais, Dato Seri Anwar Ibraham and Takeo Fukuda and many others who occupied high post within the government gave high appreciation on personal characters of Mohammad Natsir. He is beyond any doubt possessed valuable character and left lasting memory in human history. Keywords: Mohammad Natsir, Amin Rais, Anwar Ibrahim and Takeo Fukuda.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 528-540
Author(s):  
Euclides Nenga Manuel Sacomboio

The global community is racing to slow down and eventually stop the spread of COVID-19, which is a pandemic that has killed thousands of lives and made tens of thousands sick. The new coronavirus has already reached Angola, with 25 confirmed cases, among them 2 died and 6 were cured. The government has decreed a state of emergency on 24 March 2020 for 15 days, which was extended twice for the same number of days that will make it possible to reduce clusters of people and keep them at home. This study reflected on the diverse ways of leadership. It is an article of theoretical, technical and scientific reflection, based on the experience of a new epidemiological situation, with a critical analysis based on technical, scientific and professional experience, with bibliographic input of data obtained from information published in scientific articles, newspapers, magazines and other official documents published in Angola and worldwide related to COVID-19. This article emerged from critical thinking based on the current situation of COVID-19 in Angola in the world and is reflected in this article, what Angola should learn and learned from the experience of other countries that also imported the disease, their history of investment in health, characteristics of their populations, their economies and other aspects.


1987 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas O. Hueglin

AbstractA general perception of crisis at the end of the postwar period of growth has spawned two types of theoretical response: while a conservative theory of overload focusses on ungovernability caused by postmaterialist value change, radical analysis points to the structural contradictions of the welfare and intervention state. This article suggests that the current crisis is characterized by postmaterialist persistenceandstructural contradictions under the conditions of economic constraint. It examines polarization and potential mobilization of fragmented postindustrial societies in the context of neo-conservative politics, and it suggests a regime of economic dualism and/or corporatism as the most likely outcome.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-213
Author(s):  
Abhay Pethe ◽  
Ramakrishna Nallathiga

Land has recently been looked upon as having substantial value in the Indian cities, especially in Mumbai. However, the allocation of land is a contested area with conflicting views and experiences. Governments intervene in land allocation through legislations for achieving equity but they do so without understanding the institutional structure and changing political, social and economic order. The Urban Land (Ceiling and Regulation) Act (ULCRA) is a piece of legislation through which Indian government made an attempt to redistribute urban land by limiting private ownership of it and confiscating the surplus. A critical review of its performance in India points to the difficulty of achieving such lofty goals in the complex real world, wherein different players actively use a variety of tactics to protect their interest, and also negotiate the outcome in the event of its repeal. The weak institutional capacity of the government and the changing governance framework render the outcomes detrimental. The experience of Mumbai city presented further points to the fact that the multiple actors thus have evolved their strategies to protect their interests through lobbying, corruption and legal wrangling. The experience of ULCRA, therefore, points to ground-level impediments to implementation of law and varied responses of the actors so as to preserve (or, even enhance) their particular interests. ULCRA also went against the decentralization of urban governance that began after the 74th Constitutional Amendment Act.


Author(s):  
Atsushi Yamagishi

Abstract: I analyze markets in which consumers may misestimate the true value of goods and the government can affect the valuation through public promotion. When entry of firms is not allowed, the government makes consumers overvalue the goods to mitigate welfare loss from underproduction in an oligopolistic market, provided that the promotion cost is sufficiently low. On the contrary, in a free-entry market, no matter how low the promotion cost is, the government may make consumers undervalue them in order not to induce wasteful entries despite the remaining underproduction problem. In addition, my result in a free-entry market suggests that the main finding of Glaeser and Ujhelyi (J Public Econ 94: 247-257, 2010)crucially depends on the barriers to entry and the opposite result may be obtained under free entry.


2010 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 233-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francine Lafontaine ◽  
Fiona Scott Morton

In fall 2008, General Motors and Chrysler were both on the brink of bankruptcy, and Ford was not far behind. As the government stepped in and restructuring began, GM and Chrysler announced their plan to terminate about 2,200 dealerships. In this paper, we first provide an overview of franchising in car distribution, how it came about, and the legal framework within which it functions. States earn about 20 percent of all state sales taxes from auto dealers. As a result, new car dealerships, and especially local or state car dealership associations, have been able to exert influence over local legislatures. This has led to a set of state laws that almost guarantee dealership profitability and survival—albeit at the expense of manufacturer profits. Available evidence and theory suggests that as a result of these laws, distribution costs and retail prices are higher than they otherwise would be; and this is particularly true for Detroit's Big Three car manufacturers—which is likely a factor contributing to their losses in market share vis-à-vis other manufacturers. After discussing the evidence on the effects of the car franchise laws on dealer profit and car prices, we turn to the interaction of the franchise laws and manufacturers' response to the auto crisis. Last, we consider what car distribution might be like if there were no constraints on organization. We conclude that although the state-level franchise laws came about for a reason, the current crisis perhaps provides an opportunity to reconsider the kind of regulatory framework that would best serve consumers, rather than carmakers or car dealers.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 139
Author(s):  
Md. Nannu Mian ◽  
Md. Mamunur Rashid

Legal aid is essentially a mechanism that enables the poor and the vulnerable sectors of the society to be able to enforce their legal rights in order to access a fair and equitable justice in the society. Nowadays, a legal aid can be justifiably said as a crying need to ensure social and legal justice in Bangladesh because most of the citizens are illiterate and they live below the poverty line which incidentally makes matters worse. Due to their financial crisis or lack of legal knowledge they are often precluded to access justice. In recognizing the legal aid as a right, the government has enacted some laws. However, unfortunately those laws are full of weaknesses, loopholes, and procedural complexities which have to be judiciously addressed in the proper legal perspectives. As a matter of fact, legally speaking, much has been said and done, but ironically not much has been practiced. Due to these ever unsettling defects, the ultimate objectives of those laws have frequently failed to ensure enjoyment of the legal aid services among the vulnerable sectors of the society. In this research, an attempt has been made to analyze and find out numerous legal the gaps, loopholes and complexities of the existing laws relating to legal aid services in Bangladesh and frame out a comprehensive solution for ensuring the aid program by adopting the qualitative and the analytical research methods.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document