Reforming the Legislation on the International Commercial Arbitration of Ukraine: Realities or Myths

International commercial arbitration (ICA) is an alternative way to resolve foreign economic disputes. Initially, arbitration itself was seen as a neutral court in which the parties to the dispute were independent of national courts. Arbitration agreements and decisions must be recognised by national courts without any complications or review procedures. Although granting commercial parties some independence to agree that their dispute will be considered by independent arbitrators is a key principle in ICA, the struggle for supremacy between national laws and national courts on the one hand and the autonomy of the parties and the independence of the international arbitration system on the other continue. Over the years, national laws have sought to control, regulate, interfere with, or support ICA in various ways. To counter attempts to ‘localise’ ICA and promote equality in this area, private, professional institutions and international and intergovernmental organisations have developed a significant body of law designed to ensure self-government and dispute settlement procedures in ICA. Nevertheless, international commercial arbitration cannot exist independently of national jurisdictions. Examining the activities of ICA, it can be seen that the importance and impact of national arbitration laws and national judicial supervision are significantly reduced, but the lex fori still plays an important role in arbitration. Thus, the reform of the normative regulation of international arbitration also affected Ukraine. The article analyses the radical changes proposed by the legislator regarding the procedure for establishing institutional arbitrations, expanding the arbitrability of disputes.

Promoting international labour standards: The ILO and national labour regulations

How and when do intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) promote incorporation of international norms in domestic politics? In this article, I assess the impact of the International Labour Organization (ILO) on national labour regulations. I advance a new argument regarding how and when labour regulations are shaped by the ILO. More specifically, I argue that the ILO can shape labour regulations during the preparatory process of international labour standards. I theorize that the preparatory period of international labour conventions constitutes a propitious condition for mechanisms of elite socialisation, learning and domestic mobilisation. To test our argument, we focus on national dismissal regulations covering the period 1970-2013. The findings provide evidence in line with my argument that states improve their regulations during the adoption process. However, I find no evidence that states improve their regulations after formal adoption. The results have substantive implications for our understanding of IGOs and labor standards in particular.

Questioning the rhetoric: A critical analysis of intergovernmental organisations’ entrepreneurship education policy

Entrepreneurship education is increasingly prominent in university and school curricula worldwide, following its intensive advocacy by intergovernmental organisations and national governments as a remedy for the urgent pressures to better prepare students for today’s globalised and highly competitive workplace. This study analyses the official policy documents of two of the most influential intergovernmental organisations – the European Union and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development – in a quest to understand how each of these organisations presents and promotes entrepreneurship education. We argue that while the rationales and problems the European Union and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development address regarding entrepreneurship education differ somewhat, the two organisations propose a very similar solution for entrepreneurship education implementation, occasionally even advocated through formal collaboration between the two intergovernmental organisations. We suggest that this collaboration exemplifies how intergovernmental organisations seek to govern in line with a globally dominant logic by providing universal, de-contextualised solutions to various problems. We build on previous studies on other policies these intergovernmental organisations advocated (e.g. quality education and modernisation of higher education) to learn about the nuances of such policy moves. We conclude by suggesting a critical understanding of such policy convergences and outlining recommendations for future research.

Options for developing European strategies on citizenship education

This article explores the tools and strategic options for policymaking of two European intergovernmental organisations in the area of citizenship education. The first section analyses the policy tools used to date, whereas the second section presents current global, political and education-specific challenges in the field. The third section investigates options for how the two organisations might develop their policymaking in future years with a view to formulating recommendations to enable these organisations to make the best use of the policy tools and resources at their disposal. Overall, the article suggests that both the Council of Europe and the European Union are facing significant legal and resource restraints – to a greater extent where the Council of Europe is concerned and to a somewhat lesser extent for the European Union – that limit their capacity to shape and enforce citizenship education policymaking at national levels. Both institutions therefore rely heavily on informational and, to some extent, financial and organisational tools to influence policymaking. Finally, the paper presents a set of clear and actionable goals for improving the power and impact of the informational and organizational policy tools at the disposal of both institutions.

The League of Nations and Visions of World Order

The article assesses the significance of the League of Nations as an experiment in world order and explains its relevance to the contemporary world order. It does this by studying three world order institutions introduced by the League namely, intergovernmental organisations, collective security, and international law.

The language of digital constitutionalism and the role of national parliaments

Attempts to establish constitutional provisions for the Internet have been promoted since the late 1990s, mainly by the global civil society and intergovernmental organisations. More recently, a new wave of digital constitutionalism has emerged from the nation-state level, and particularly from national parliaments. In order to better understand this process, the article seeks to investigate, from both a theoretical and an empirical perspective, whether and to what extent parliamentary initiatives exhibit specific political features compared to constitutional attempts emerging from other kinds of sources. Further, the study aims to assess if drafting initiatives overlap or, rather, respond in different ways to different constitutional concerns.

What is so special about online (as compared to offline) hate speech?

There is a growing body of literature on whether or not online hate speech, or cyberhate, might be special compared to offline hate speech. This article aims to both critique and augment that literature by emphasising a distinctive feature of the Internet and of cyberhate that, unlike other features, such as ease of access, size of audience, and anonymity, is often overlooked: namely, instantaneousness. This article also asks whether there is anything special about online (as compared to offline) hate speech that might warrant governments and intergovernmental organisations contracting out, so to speak, the responsibility for tackling online hate speech to the very Internet companies which provide the websites and services that hate speakers utilise.