Solidarity-based welfare in the system of educational relations

The Covid-19 Pandemic effects invites us to reflect and rethink of our model of welfare state. What type of welfare model? The content of this contribution is to suggest a different point of view on welfare, through a supportive, generative and pedagogical approach, renewed attention on inequalities from a prospective of inclusion, sustainability and care of human beings. Forced isolation induced by COVID-19 pandemic dramatically impacted individuals' well-being, isolation, pain, loneliness and shock has raised awareness of the essential values both on men and women, the importance of inclusiveness and pedagogical generativity. It can be said that this was in some ways a spiritual experience, helpful in rediscovering humanity in man, which recalled that ex malo bonum, good can come from something bad, but, as St. Augustine himself argued: bad moments can bring out the good "if you work on it", consciously. It is by working exactly on this awareness, without refusing this intense emotional experience of change, that can be found the pedagogical transformative space and the role of educational relations and of the educator in the welfare system; a new idea of ​​governance of capacities, an opportunity for the development of a welfare society for the well-being of individuals and Communities.

Michel Foucault, Social Policy and 'Limit-Experience'

<p>This thesis considers whether the discipline of social policy can validly use the patterns and intentions implicit in Foucault's critique of modernity to develop a new qualitative approach to social theory. He examined the conditions under which various regimes of social and political practice came into being; how they are maintained and the particular manner of their transformation. There are two specific emphases that establish the pattern of my overall inquiry. The first involves a reflection on the troubled and ineffectual place of normative social theory within contemporary social policy discourse. The second is a reconsideration of Foucault's oeuvre in relation to new social theory building within social policy. Both of these concerns offer an opportunity to reflect on the place of social theory within a discursive world that 'appears' cosmopolitan and diverse. Foucault famously declared that the point of philosophical activity involved the endeavour to know how and to what extent it might be possible to think differently - to examine the functioning of our ideas as 'limit-experiences'. He coined this phrase 'limit-experience' to outline his critique of the 'forms of rationalizations' that comprise the present practice of politics within modernity. He thought the decisive question was how apparently 'universal, necessary, and obligatory discourses about political and social knowledge shapes that which ought more properly to be regarded as 'singular, contingent, and the product of arbitrary constraints'. The former injunctive and 'magisterial' arguments that supported initial patterns of welfare state rhetoric are no longer persuasive. There has been a 'sea-change' in contemporary social ideas - from a welfare state to a welfare society - one that is breath-taking in its hegemonic compass. That world is increasingly depicted as a postmodern social world where there is little apparent respect for, let alone reliance on, the grand metaphors and social themes of classic social policy. This reconsideration of Foucault's ideas from a social policy perspective will not necessarily yield a new compelling normative rhetoric but it will provide an opportunity to think differently about the taken-for-granted nature of so much social policy theorizing. His portrayal of how we might 'think differently' about the multitude of practices involved in the rationalizations and subjectifications of 'limit-experiences' provides an opportunity to reflect on the patterning and practices that construct the current discourses of welfare and social policy. We do need to think differently or at least to see if it is possible to do so. Imagining difference, strategizing for it, and welcoming it, mark us out as constantly restless - a personal style that Foucault embraced with some gusto!</p>

Michel Foucault, Social Policy and 'Limit-Experience'

<p>This thesis considers whether the discipline of social policy can validly use the patterns and intentions implicit in Foucault's critique of modernity to develop a new qualitative approach to social theory. He examined the conditions under which various regimes of social and political practice came into being; how they are maintained and the particular manner of their transformation. There are two specific emphases that establish the pattern of my overall inquiry. The first involves a reflection on the troubled and ineffectual place of normative social theory within contemporary social policy discourse. The second is a reconsideration of Foucault's oeuvre in relation to new social theory building within social policy. Both of these concerns offer an opportunity to reflect on the place of social theory within a discursive world that 'appears' cosmopolitan and diverse. Foucault famously declared that the point of philosophical activity involved the endeavour to know how and to what extent it might be possible to think differently - to examine the functioning of our ideas as 'limit-experiences'. He coined this phrase 'limit-experience' to outline his critique of the 'forms of rationalizations' that comprise the present practice of politics within modernity. He thought the decisive question was how apparently 'universal, necessary, and obligatory discourses about political and social knowledge shapes that which ought more properly to be regarded as 'singular, contingent, and the product of arbitrary constraints'. The former injunctive and 'magisterial' arguments that supported initial patterns of welfare state rhetoric are no longer persuasive. There has been a 'sea-change' in contemporary social ideas - from a welfare state to a welfare society - one that is breath-taking in its hegemonic compass. That world is increasingly depicted as a postmodern social world where there is little apparent respect for, let alone reliance on, the grand metaphors and social themes of classic social policy. This reconsideration of Foucault's ideas from a social policy perspective will not necessarily yield a new compelling normative rhetoric but it will provide an opportunity to think differently about the taken-for-granted nature of so much social policy theorizing. His portrayal of how we might 'think differently' about the multitude of practices involved in the rationalizations and subjectifications of 'limit-experiences' provides an opportunity to reflect on the patterning and practices that construct the current discourses of welfare and social policy. We do need to think differently or at least to see if it is possible to do so. Imagining difference, strategizing for it, and welcoming it, mark us out as constantly restless - a personal style that Foucault embraced with some gusto!</p>

STRENGTHENING LAND REGISTRATION SYSTEM THROUGH IMPLEMENTATION OF DOMAIN APPROACH IN MANIFESTING LEGAL CERTAINTY AND COMMUNITY JUSTICE

As an implementation of welfare society, the government issued Law Number 5 of 1960 Article 19 paragraph (2) c, which provide the legal certainty of land rights for all Indonesians carried out through land registration. The land registration system adopted by Indonesia is negative land cadastre with positive tendency. The implementation of land registration provide the basis of state duty to produce land registration evidence, namely certificate, which is valid as a strong proof of rights. This certificate guarantees the correctness of physical data besides juridical data as long as it is not proven otherwise. Method: This legal research used Normative juridical method, with qualitative juridical data analysis. Results of the study: Negative land cadastre with positive tendency adopted by Indonesia currently does not guarantee legal certainty of land ownership and the community justice itself. This is indicated by the fact that there is still a phenomenon of land disputes, among the result of the issuance of overlapping. By using a legal cadastre-based domain approach, through an approach of extracting historical values of land and integrating the process of dialogue within the issuing of certificate; obtaining legal certainty and the community justice can be achieved. Conclusion: Negative land cadastre with positive tendency is still unable to manifest legal certainty of land ownership and community justice so it is appropriate that an adage states “the highest legal certainty, is the highest injustice”. Strengthening land registration system through the domain approach is an alternative option to manifest legal certainty and community justice.

Human Capital: Fiscal Policy to Support the Development of Labor Cooperatives as a Way to Create the Welfare Society and to Form the National Financial-Exchange Asset

Production cooperative (artel) historically is a native Russian form of collective labour activity, aimed, as a rule, at performing certain permanent or temporary work and requiring mutual guarantee of all workers. Artels and their associations are based only on free creative labour (not hired labour), which allows workers themselves to be responsible for efficiency of managing their time and to improve constantly, providing an increase in labour productivity and production profitability. Such work is fundamentally different from the work under an employment contract. Members of cooperatives do not pass “their time” for rationing “from above”, but independently organize their work, revealing their potential, based on personal experience, ingenuity, freedom and personal motivation, effectively interacting with each other in the workforce.

Society for the Protection of the Health of the Jewish Population (OSE): Jewish Humanitarian Mission for over 100 Years

The essay's primary purpose is to bring to the attention of readers interested in the history of the Jewish people that the dramatic 20th century is not only the victims of the Holocaust–and not only the heroism of the military on the battlefields. It is active resistance to barbarism–the rescue of defenseless people through daily civilian activities, nevertheless associated with a constant risk to life. This paper examines non-political and non-religious secular Jewish welfare society within Jewish political and national movements. This essay considers five historical periods of the activity of OSE. These periods are: 1912–1922; 1922–1933; 1933–1945; 1945–1950; 1950–present time. This chronological classification is somewhat imperfect; however, each period reflects the dynamic of functional changes in the initial tasks of the society to review the goals of the organization to satisfy the urgent needs of the European Jewish community in a debatable circumstance of the 20th–21st centuries.

URDU: عالمی امن اور معاہدات کی نوعیت و جہات کا فکری جائزہ : اسلامی تعلیمات کی روشنی میں

Allah Almighty has given freedom to every human being so everyone is free. When freedom of an individual strikes another person's freedom, this collision causes atrocity in the society. To protect the person and a nation, from this tragedy, the law comes into force to keep peace. This law is called contract. Islam has stressed upon the agreement both essentially in terms of moral and legal to be followed. So, if we want relations between Muslims and Non-Muslims this principle be followed. Keeping the contract is imperative on both sides (Muslims & Non –Muslims). The Holy Prophet did not allow anyone to create such an impression from their individual behavior that the enemy feels that they did not act upon the contract. Apart from this, if the Islamic State does not have any danger from the other side, the Islamic state will prefer peace. In our modern times religious violence has become one of the reasons of exploitation in different parts of the world. On the occasion of the establishment of a new nation, Prophet (SAW) showed that the bondage of these boundaries is as important as the acceptance of the religion. For peace, other religious groups must enjoy religious freedom. On this basis, Islam established a welfare society. Today, it is imperative that these boundaries should be followed.