SENSITIVITY OF SWINE CORONAVIRUS TO ACTION OF DIFFERENT TEMPERATURES

Coronavirus infections are currently receiving a lot of attention due to the emergence of the covid-19 pandemic in the world. The search for models with which it is possible to obtain an adequate result to identify the properties of coronaviruses is intensive. For comparison with the results of our experiments, the article also presents data on the duration of preservation of the infectious properties of the SARS-Cov-2 virus by contamination of surfaces made of different materials and at different temperatures. We studied the long-term effect on coronavirus, the causative agent of transmissible swine gastroenteritis (TGE), a number of temperatures: + 4ºC, + 25ºC, minus 13ºC, minus 20ºC and thirteen-fold change in temperature, which was in the range of 31-33ºC. It was found that both vaccine and epizootic strains of TGE coronavirus after long-term storage reduce the infectious properties, but when in contact with a sensitive biological system (in vitro) quickly enough (in the case of successive passages in this system) restore them. We proved that the TGE coronavirus during storage for more than two years reduced, but did not lose infectious properties at temperatures minus 13ºC, minus 20ºC, which were restored during subsequent passage in sensitive biological systems in vitro. The same trend was observed for storage of the virus for 8 years at a temperature of + 4ºC. The fastest decrease in coronavirus titer occurred at a temperature of + 25ºC, but more stable under these conditions was the epizootic strain of the virus, which requires attention when working with field isolates of coronavirus. The general tendency of animal and human coronaviruses to decrease the survival time of the pathogen with increasing exposure temperature has been established. Resistance of the virus to repeated sharp changes in temperature (from minus 13 ± 0.5°C to room temperature) without loss of infectious properties was revealed.

Obstructive Fecalomas in an Infant Treated with Successful Endoscopic Disimpaction

A fecaloma is a mass of accumulated feces with a consistency much harder than that of a fecal impaction. It is most frequently observed in the rectum and sigmoid area, and associated complications include colonic obstruction, ulceration, bleeding, and perforation. A one-year-old, previously healthy boy with no history of chronic constipation was admitted because of vomiting and abdominal distension. An abdominal computed tomography scan showed small and large bowel distension due to multiple obstructive fecalomas in the transverse colon. As the fecalomas could not be resolved by laxatives, enemas, or colonic lavage, endoscopic disimpaction under general anesthesia was attempted. Repeatedly shaving the fecalomas with biopsy forceps finally resulted in gradual fragmentation with subsequent passage. Gastrointestinal food allergy was later suggested as the cause because eosinophilic infiltration was found in a biopsy specimen of the colon wall. Endoscopic disimpaction is an effective treatment approach for addressing fecalomas to avoid more invasive surgical intervention.

Grace in action: exploring the intersection of soteriology and ethics in the letter to Titus

This article investigates action of grace in Titus 2:11 and argues for a congeniality in this epistle with Pauline thought on grace as interpreted by John Barclay in Paul and the Gift. Barclay's disentanglement of the concept, including his newfound taxonomy for χάρις, advances Pauline studies significantly, yet it has not informed studies of the Pastoral Epistles. The article examines the juxtaposition of soteriology and ethics found in Titus 2:11–14 and 3:4–7, proposing that the subsequent passage is an elaboration of the first, which sheds light on the idiosyncratic notion of God's grace performing ethical training.

The Politics of Marriage Equality: Confrontational Interest Groups and Nonconfrontational Officeholders

The passage of marriage equality in Rhode Island offers insight into the role of organized groups and politicians in policymaking. Despite a Democratic legislature and popular support, marriage equality was initially defeated in 2011, in part due to concentrated opposition from the Catholic Church and the reluctance of Democratic officeholders to confront members of the same party on the issue. In the following primary elections, small interest groups in Rhode Island, with the help of national interest groups, helped raise the salience of marriage equality by campaigning against opponents, resulting in the release of a marriage equality bill from the Senate Judiciary Committee and its subsequent passage in a floor vote. One organized interest was responsible for blocking marriage equality in the legislature’s most significant bottleneck and different organized interests were responsible for enabling passage. The passage of marriage equality in Rhode Island shows that interest groups can enable as well as obstruct majority opinion.

Every Child Matters and the Children Act 2004

This chapter highlights the political drivers of Labour’s structural reforms to English local government through an examination of the Every Child Matters Green Paper and the subsequent passage of the Children Act 2004. It is argued that the initiation of the Green Paper chaired by Paul Boateng, then Chief Secretary to the Treasury, was not a response to the Victoria Climbié Inquiry. Safeguarding and child protection policies did not receive the explicit prioritisation that Lord Laming had called for. Labour’s structural reforms were designed to address concerns relating to the delivery of a broader range of policy priorities incorporating health, education and crime and anti-social behaviour. Moreover, social services and social work were largely overlooked under the new structural arrangements with the focus being primarily on the early intervention and preventative responsibilities of universal services including schools and health service providers. The chapter also discusses the involvement of children’s sector NGOs in the development of Labour’s reforms and how opposition to structural reform was ultimately ignored.

The Influence of Negative Pressure and of the Harvesting Site on the Characteristics of Human Adipose Tissue-Derived Stromal Cells from Lipoaspirates

Background. Adipose tissue-derived stromal cells (ADSCs) have great potential for cell-based therapies, including tissue engineering. However, various factors can influence the characteristics of isolated ADSCs. Methods. We studied the influence of the harvesting site, i.e., inner thigh (n=3), outer thigh (n=7), and abdomen (n=9), and of negative pressure, i.e., low (-200 mmHg) and high (-700 mmHg), on the characteristics of isolated ADSCs. We counted initial yields of attached cells after isolation. In subsequent passage, we studied the number, viability, diameter, doubling time, mitochondrial activity, and CD surface markers of isolated ADSCs. Results. We revealed higher initial cell yields from the outer thigh region than from the abdomen region. Negative pressure did not influence the cell yields from the outer thigh region, whereas the yields from the abdomen region were higher under high negative pressure than under low negative pressure. In the subsequent passage, in general, no significant relationship was identified between the different negative pressure and ADSC characteristics. No significant difference was observed in the characteristics of thigh ADSCs and abdomen ADSCs. Only on day 1, the diameter was significantly bigger in outer thigh ADSCs than in abdomen ADSCs. Moreover, we noted a tendency of thigh ADSCs (i.e., inner thigh+outer thigh) to reach a higher cell number on day 7. Discussion. The harvesting site and negative pressure can potentially influence initial cell yields from lipoaspirates. However, for subsequent in vitro culturing and for use in tissue engineering, it seems that the harvesting site and the level of negative pressure do not have a crucial or limiting effect on basic ADSC characteristics.

Mass Salmonella poisoning by the Peanut Corporation of America: Lessons in state-corporate food crime

In 2008-9, the Peanut Corporation of America (PCA) caused a salmonella outbreak that killed nine, hospitalised hundreds and lead to the recall of 4,000 products. It first provides an overview of salmonella in peanuts and its use in bioterrorism, along with the investigative process done by public health officials to identify a contamination source. A second section describes the conditions at PCA’s facilities, the Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act law on adulterated and misbranded food, and the 70 count indictment against PCA’s leadership. A third section discusses state-corporate crime, which examines corporate crime in the context of the failures of regulatory oversight and capable guardians. The conclusion argues against a triumphalist interpretation where justice and reform prevail in spite of a prison sentence for the CEO and the subsequent passage of the Food Safety Modernization Act.

Conclusions

Chapter 9 discusses two questions: first, whether the explanation for declining trade salience is specific to the American experience; and second, what conditions in the U.S. could change to revive the salience of trade policy. To address the first question, the chapter compares trade salience patterns in the U.S. and eight other similar advanced industrial countries (AICs). It provides a comparison of beliefs about the benefits of trade the 9 identified AICs; analysis of parties’ position taking and trade’s salience in the party platforms of those countries since 1920, and two comparative case studies of the relationship between party position taking on trade the varying trade salience in Canada and the United Kingdom. The chapter also provides additional detail on the American experience of higher trade salience surrounding the debate and subsequent passage of North American Free Trade Agreement. The chapter concludes with implication for the future of trade policy, electoral politics, and applies the lessons to Donald Trump’s success in the 2016 Republican primary.

Does Public Assistance Reduce Recidivism?

Under the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) of 1996, individuals convicted of drug-related felonies were permanently banned from receiving welfare and food stamps. Since then, over 30 states have opted out of the federal ban. In this paper, I estimate the impact of public assistance eligibility on recidivism by exploiting both the adoption of the federal ban and subsequent passage of state laws that lifted the ban. Using administrative prison records on five million offenders and a triple-differences research design, I find that public assistance eligibility for drug offenders reduces one-year recidivism rates by 10 percent.

Producing the Black Badman

This chapter begins with an examination of the political context and rhetorical politics of urban rebellion as Rap Brown augmented the Black Power vernacular after the Cambridge riots and the subsequent passage of the 1968 Civil Rights Act. To understand Brown’s interventions into the Black Power vernacular, this chapter examines the mobile, embodied performativity of black masculinity in Brown’s autobiographical manifesto Die Nigger Die! (1969), authored while Brown was under house arrest. Die Nigger Die! was phenomenally successful (due, in part, to its unsettling title), going through seven printings before being re-released after Brown’s murder conviction in 2002 by publishers at Lawrence Hill in Chicago. But because Brown’s vernacular style actually spurred the mass incarceration of black liberation activists, his memoir isn’t as concerned with prison conditions or resistance like Mumia Abu-Jamal’s essays or Assata Shakur’s memoir. His experiences with incarceration and repression focus more macroscopically on the ways in which white power creates the conditions for black repression and imprisonment. This chapter highlights Brown’s style, his performance as a black badman in games like the dozens, his understanding of the fragility of black boyhood and the politics of black masculinity, and his interest in both self-defense and violence in the text to understand the production of Black Power vernacular. Finally, this chapter considers Brown’s descriptions as the problems with both white culture and “Negro culture,” which causes the self-hate that makes black communities willingly submit to the nation.