Tata Kelola Kelembagaan Pedagang Kaki Lima Sekitar Pasar Di Kota Kendari

The condition of street vendors in Kendari City is currently not as crowded as cities in other provinces, but the trend of the number of street vendors is increasing every year. This can be seen from the decreasing function of the sidewalk for pedestrians because it is used by street vendors to carry out their activities. The purpose of this study is to determine the characteristics of street vendors and the factors of the presence of street vendors who occupy the sidewalks and shoulders of the road in Kendari City. The method used to analyze the factors of the presence of street vendors who occupy the shoulders and sidewalks and to determine the control system for street vendors who use the shoulders and sidewalks uses descriptive analysis. The results of this study are the characteristics of street vendors (PKL): main occupation (87%), types of vegetables into merchandise (14%), duration of trade <5 years (69%), and area of 2-4 m2 (80%) The factors for the existence of street vendors (PKL) occupying the shoulders and sidewalks around the market in Kendari City are weak rule enforcement, transactional systems, no place in the market, and location costs. Keywords: Governance, Street Vendors, Market Kondisi pedagang kaki lima di Kota Kendari saat ini belum sepadat kota-kota di Provinsi lain, namun kecenderungan jumlah PKL setiap tahunnya mengalami peningkatan. Hal ini dapat dilihat dari semakin berkurangnya fungsi trotoar jalan bagi pejala kaki karena digunakan oleh pedagang kaki lima untuk melakukan kegiatannya. Tujuan dari penelitian ini yaitu untuk mengetahui karakteristik pedagang kaki lima dan faktor-faktor keberadaan pedagang kaki lima yang menempati trotoar dan bahu jalan di Kota Kendari. Metode yang digunakan untuk menganalisis faktor-faktor keberadaan pedagang kaki lima yang menempati bahu jalan dan trotoar serta untuk mengetahui sistem penertiban pedagang kaki lima yang menggunakan bahu jalan dan trotoar menggunakan analisis deskriptif. Hasil penelitian ini yaitu karakteristik pedagang kaki lima (PKL): pekerjaan utama (87%), jenis sayuran menjadi barang dagangan (14%), lama berdagang <5 tahun (69%), dan luas tempat 2-4 m2 (80%).Faktor-faktor keberadaan pedagang kaki lima (PKL) menempati bahu jalan dan trotoar disekitar pasar di Kota Kendari adalah lemahnya penegakan aturan, sistem transaksional, tidak ada tempat di dalam pasar, dan biaya lokasi..Kata Kunci: Tata Kelola, Pedagang Kaki Lima, Pasar

Hierarchical Inconsistency: A Monitoring Mechanism to Reduce Securities Fraud in Emerging Markets

Research has indicated limited effects of formal governance measures on securities fraud prevention in emerging markets due to the weak rule of law. We propose that hierarchical inconsistency, misaligned rank ordering in formal organizational and informal social hierarchies of the corporate elite, can provide a novel monitoring mechanism to reduce securities fraud. Leaders at the top of the two inconsistent hierarchies can feel distressed and motivated to engage in contestation and challenge each other’s authority, thus providing checks and balances and preventing groupthink. This monitoring effect is likely to be stronger when either of the two heads has dominant and unequivocal superiority in their respective hierarchy, making them particularly distressed by the hierarchical inconsistency and prone to contest. We test our argument in the context of publicly listed family-controlled firms in China, where business and family hierarchies may confer superiority to different individuals. Our study contributes to the corporate securities fraud literature by understanding how formal organizational structures and informal social relationships interact and jointly influence governance effectiveness in emerging markets.

Theft of public assets in developing countries and the ineffective legal frameworks on cross-border asset tracing and confiscation

In most developing countries with weak rule of law and fledgling democratic institutions, theft of public assets by public office holders is rampant and has a strong correlation with the excruciating level of poverty and underdevelopment that besiege these countries (Ijewereme, 2013). While a myriad number of reasons may be responsible for this situation, the absence of a mature legal framework as well as the scant availability of sufficiently trained government personnel to trace and recover stolen assets, hidden domestically and abroad, arguably remain contributory factors. Granted that corrupt public office holders are typically enabled by porous (domestic) legal frameworks that provide them wide escape routes for their crimes, contestably however, the laws bordering on confiscation of assets in many foreign countries (safe havens) seem intentionally designed to frustrate any recovery of stolen assets by developing countries. In the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic, the rate of stealing public assets by public office holders in developing countries is foreseen to rise astronomically and is likely to deepen their existing levels of poverty and hopelessness (Ayode, 2020). Using Nigeria as an example of a developing country, the paper critically examines the underlying defects in the cross-border legal framework on asset recovery and confiscation and proffers suggestions on how these defects could be remedied.

Eroded Rule of Law, Endemic Violence and Social Injustice in Brazil

Modern Brazil is plagued by social and economic inequalities, endemic violence, crime, and a weak rule of law. Once these narratives become dependent on each other, all aspects must be worked on to change the scenario the country is facing: insecurity, fear and a lack of opportunities. This paper argues that the unprecedented rise of social injustice in Brazil is not the result of short-term measures but is part of its history marked by economic and social inequalities extending from its colonial past until today and the deficient policies on crime that emerged in the mid-1990s. Moreover, the current massive incarceration, overcrowding of prisons combined with the absence of human living conditions is turning the prison system in Brazil into a gigantic, perpetual school of crime. Investment in education that directly helps to lower the crime rate must be aligned with a new, less repressive and more inclusive punitive policy so as to induce criminals not to return to their unlawful ways. It is suggested that Brazil can only properly develop if efficient legal institutions, the rule of law, and criminal sanctioning based on the principles of social justice are available to all citizens.

How to Get Away with Spreading COVID-19: Political Connections and Pandemic Response

While the aim of COVID-19 policies is to suppress the pandemic, many fear that the burden of the restrictions will fall more heavily on less privileged groups. We show one potential mechanism for COVID-19 responses to increase inequality by examining the intersection of business restrictions and business political connections. Using an online survey of 2,735 business employees and managers in Ukraine, Egypt and Venezuela over the summer of 2020, we show that businesses with political connections to government officials were significantly less likely to shut down as a result of COVID-19 policies. This finding suggests that measures designed to mitigate COVID-19 are less effective in countries with a weak rule of law if politically connected firms are able to circumvent restrictions by leveraging political connections to receive preferential treatment. In addition, politically-connected firms are no more likely--and sometimes even less likely--to engage in social-distancing policies to mitigate the pandemic despite the fact that they are more likely to remain open.

Migration and Hybrid Political Regimes: Navigating the Legal Landscape in Russia

While migration has become a vital issue worldwide, mainstream literature on migrants’ legal adaptation and integration has focused on cases in Western-style democracies. We know relatively little about how migrants adapt in the ever-growing hybrid political regimes that are neither clearly democratic nor conventionally authoritarian. This book takes up the case of Russia—the third largest recipient of migrants worldwide—and investigates how Central Asian migrant workers produce new forms of informal governance and legal order. Migrants use the opportunities provided by a weak rule of law and a corrupt political system to navigate the repressive legal landscape and to negotiate, using informal channels, access to employment and other opportunities that are hard to obtain through the official legal framework of their host country. This lively ethnography presents new theoretical perspectives for studying legal incorporation of immigrants in similar political contexts.

Tackling suspect wealth: towards an accountable and transparent future?

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide an empirical comparative analysis on cross-border suspect wealth issues and international efforts to curb corruption-related suspect wealth. Through the lens of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC) and the Stolen Asset Recovery Initiative (StAR) Initiative, this paper illustrates the strength and limitations of current anti-corruption frames and as a result, sheds lights on the dilemmas of tackling suspect wealth on the ground. Design/methodology/approach This paper begins with an overview of the magnitude of suspect wealth; then it compares the focuses of the UNCAC and the StAR Initiative. The author draws upon lessons from previous suspect wealth settlement cases to illustrate the limitations of applying the international frameworks. Finally, this paper takes China as case study to highlight lessons for future anti-corruption efforts. Findings According to the StAR Initiative, $20–$40bn worth of public assets are stolen via corruption each year, amounting to 20% to 40% of development assistance annually. But the most recent data estimate that the total assets repatriated from OECD countries were $423m from 2006 to 2012, which was only a small fraction of estimated stolen assets. This highlights that tackling suspect wealth not only has moral value but also provides practical benefits for countries seeking development finance. Research limitations/implications The UNCAC has brought international cooperation and the importance of transparency to the forefront of tackling suspect wealth. It creates an international norm for recovering and repatriating stolen assets. But due to its loose implementation and enforcement, the UNCAC has left loopholes in anti-corruption policymaking, particularly in countries lacking the rule of law. By comparison, the StAR Initiative takes innovative approach such as using insolvency for asset recovery and country-based capacity building to strengthen originating countries’ ability to repatriate assets. Both the UNCAC and the StAR Initiative are well-intended, but authoritarian regimes and weak rule of law often create dilemma for international collaboration. Practical implications This paper provides recommendations on how to further tackle suspect wealth with existing international frameworks. Social implications Reducing suspect wealth contributes to society equity and restores public trust by recovering much needed public assets and development resources. Originality/value This paper illustrates the effect of UNCAC and the StAR Initiative through a comparative lens. It demonstrates how rising authoritarianism can create dilemmas for work against corruption and suspect wealth. Finally, it provides potential policy prescriptions for navigating such dilemmas via shared international efforts.

Is There a Comprehensive Explanation?

Thinking over the empirical results, discussed in the previous chapters, we have to acknowledge that there is no direct intertwining between the freedoms and equalities when checking the domestic and external explanations. At the same time, the immediate and strong tension that also emerges in our analysis of freedoms concerns the contradictory demands of citizens about achieving security to cope with terrorism, with security that comes first. When reflecting on the data presented in the previous chapters, we can single out three patterns. The first is balanced democracy, characterized by the attempt of implementing both freedoms and equalities. The second is protest democracy, where the more substantial attention to equality is complemented by different possible types of protest, of a revendicative kind, a weak rule of law and inter-institutional accountability. The third is unaccountable democracy, where there may be relatively higher equality, complemented by weaker freedoms and above all the absence or the weakening of inter-institutional guardians who were relevant in establishing democracy. Corruption may be present along the lower side of the triangle to reinforce both patterns. The last part of the chapter proposes an overview of the literature about the questions addressed in the book. However, as in the published literature, there is no empirical work that addresses our questions, but works that address similar questions concerning equality only, freedom only or also the entire democratic regime.

The relationship between a combinatorial processing rule and a continuous mate preference function in an insect

Mate choice involves processing signals that can reach high levels of complexity and feature multiple components, even in small animals with tiny brains. This raises the question of whether and how such organisms deal with this complexity. One solution involves combinatorial processing, whereby different signal elements are processed as single units. Combinatorial processing has been described in several mammals and birds, and recently in a vibrationally signalling insect, Enchenopa treehoppers. Here, we ask about the relationship between combinatorial rules and mate preferences for continuously varying signal features. Enchenopa male advertisement signals are composed of two elements: a ‘whine’ followed by a set of pulses. The dominant frequency of the whine and element combination both matter to females. We presented synthetic signals varying in element order (natural [whine-pulses], reverse [pulses-whine]) and in frequency to Enchenopa females and recorded their responses. The reverse combination resulted in a decrease in attractiveness of the signals, and also slightly changed the shape of the preference for frequency. We found that females could be classified into three ‘types’: females with both a strong preference and a strong combinatorial rule, females with both a weak preference and weak rule, and females with a strong preference but a weak rule. Our results suggest that in Enchenopa signal processing, the mate preference for a continuous signal feature ‘takes precedence’ over, but also interacts with, the combinatorial rule. The relationship between the preference and the rule could evolve to take different forms according to selection on mate choice decisions. We suggest that exploring the relationship between such preferences and rules in species with more complex signals will bring insight into the evolution of the multi-component communication systems.

Competitive Governance and Displacement Decisions Under Rebel Rule: Evidence from the Islamic State in Iraq

When rebel groups with state-building ambitions capture territory, who stays and why? Through semi-structured interviews and an original household survey in the Iraqi city of Mosul, which was controlled by the Islamic State for more than three years, I conduct a multi-method descriptive comparison of the characteristics of “stayers” against “leavers.” I test and find some quantitative and qualitative support for a theory of competitive governance: Civilians who perceived improvements in the quality of governance under IS rule—relative to the Iraqi state—were more likely to stay under IS rule than those who perceived no change or a deterioration, but displacement decisions are multi-causal, influenced by many factors including economic resources, social networks and family structures, information, threat perceptions, and ideology. These findings suggest that historical experiences with weak rule of law and bad governance by states may affect the attitudes and actions of civilians living under rebel governance.