Polityka wizerunkowa Norwegii – znaczenie dyplomacji pokojowej dla sukcesu Norwegii

2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 22-40
Author(s):  
Anna Kobierecka
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Small State ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
Nation Brand ◽  
Different Levels

Norway is a small state with little population and pheripheral location. It has surprisingly strong nation brand and it is widely recognised at the same time, which seems to be unusual taking into consideration geographic and demographic determinants together with rather poor soft power resources. The aim of this article is to examin and analyse Norwegian image policy and its evolution. The main Focus is put on the aspects of peace diplomacy as a constant and meaningful element of Norway’s brand and image policy. The tested hypothesis assumes that the pressence of peace usage on various different levels of image policy in Norway is contributing the reputational and image success of this state.

An Analysis of UN Peacekeeping as Pakistan’s Soft Power Asset

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ume Farwa ◽  
Ghazanfar Ali Garewal
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Protective Role ◽  
International Community ◽  
Conflict Zones ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
Un Peacekeeping ◽  
The People ◽  
Peacekeeping Missions

The power of attraction and admiration is soft power. Generally, it is perceived that hard power cannot generate soft power, but the protective role of military in humanitarian crises and conflicts negates this prevailing misperception by specifying their contexts and effective utilizations; hard power assets can be transformed into soft power resources. This paper argues that the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions are the source of soft power and Pakistan, being an active participant in this field, can utilize this asset for shaping the preferences of others. Overall, it did earn admiration from international community and managed to build its soft image abroad through peacekeeping missions. Pakistani blue helmets not only earned the admiration and appreciation of the people of the conflict-zones and earned praises, but from international community also. However, to what extent has the country utilized this asset of soft power to exercise its influence in the global arena remains debatable. Although Pakistan’s UN Peacekeeping missions have been an instrument of building the country’s soft image, it is publicized in a far less productive manner. Peacekeeping can be used as a means to enhance the country’s presence and the level of participation in both international and regional organizations. By effective application of soft power strategy in tandem with public diplomacy, Pakistan’s UN peacekeeping can provide the country with the platform where its narratives can be projected effectively and its influence can be exercised adroitly.

THE CONFRONTATION OF THE PARTIES TO THE SEPARATIST CONFLICT BY MEANS OF «SOFT POWER» (ON THE EXAMPLE OF CATALONIA AND SCOTLAND)

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 119-132
Author(s):  
E.A. TYURIN ◽  
◽  
E.N. SAVINOVA ◽  
О.V. PEREVERZEVA ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Research Methods ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
National Level ◽  
Power Characteristic ◽  
Main Research ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Legal Grounds

The article attempts to apply the concept of «soft power», characteristic of international relations, to analyze the struggle of participants in separatist conflicts at the national level. The purpose of the study is to consider the «soft power» resources and tools of each of the parties to the conflict between Catalonia and Spain and the conflict between Scotland and the United Kingdom. The main research methods are general logical, institutional and comparative. It is concluded that in the countries under consideration, in the conditions of the manifestation of separatism, the «soft power» has obvious socio-cultural, political, institutional and legal grounds. According to the authors, despite the specifics of the «soft power» confrontation, in each of the cases considered, culture in its various manifestations, image strategies of the parties to the conflict, as well as the institution of the monarchy are crucial.

scholarly journals Soft Power Rich, Public Diplomacy Poor: An Assessment of Taiwan's External Communications

2017 ◽  
Vol 232 ◽  
pp. 982-1001
Author(s):  
Gary Rawnsley
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Government Information ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
Political Warfare ◽  
Cultural Themes ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
External Communications

AbstractAccepting that Taiwan has accumulated “soft power” since the introduction of democratic reforms in the late 1980s, this paper assesses Taiwan's external communications during Ma Ying-jeou's presidency and how its soft power resources have been exercised. Demonstrating the strategic turn from political warfare to public and cultural diplomacy, the paper begins with the premise that the priority must be to increase familiarity with Taiwan among foreign publics. It then argues that any assessment of external communications in the Ma administration must consider the impact of two key decisions: first, the dissolution of the Government Information Office and the transfer of its responsibilities for international communications to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and a new Ministry of Culture, and second, the priority given to cultural themes in Taiwan's external communications.

6. Obama and smart power 1

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph S. Nye
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Information Age ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
Global Information ◽  
Smart Power ◽  
Power Resources

This chapter examines Barack Obama’s foreign policy agenda. The Obama administration referred to its foreign policy as ‘smart power’, which combines soft and hard power resources in different contexts. In sending additional troops to Afghanistan, his use of military force in support of a no-fly zone in Libya, and his use of sanctions against Iran, Obama showed that he was not afraid to use the hard components of smart power. The chapter first considers power in a global information age before discussing soft power in U.S. foreign policy. It then explains how public diplomacy came to be incorporated into American foreign policy and concludes by highlighting problems in wielding soft power.

Language as a soft power resource

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gulshan Pashayeva
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Geographic Location ◽  
Group Consciousness ◽  
Power Resource ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Globalized World ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Active Interaction

Abstract The term soft power, developed by Joseph Nye, is a widely popular concept used to describe efforts to attract rather than coerce as means of persuasion. Language, which is widely viewed as a traditional (not to say extremely important) component of nationhood and a symbol of identity and group consciousness, can be used as an expression of soft power resources within this context. It is apparent that in today’s globalized world, the role of international languages as global means of communication has increased considerably. At the same time, English has become the de facto lingua franca in international trade, academia, technology and many other fields. Against this background, this article examines the impact of language as a soft power resource in the case of the Republic of Azerbaijan, which is a multi-ethnic state located at the crossroads of Europe and Asia. Due to its geographic location, the constant migrations of people who have passed through its territory throughout the centuries, and it has long been a zone of active interaction of languages, cultures and civilizations.

Interactions between hard and soft power: The institutional adaptation of international intellectual property protection to global power shifts

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 588-612 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Daßler ◽  
Andreas Kruck ◽  
Bernhard Zangl
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Biological Diversity ◽  
Empirical Support ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Convention On Biological Diversity ◽  
Power Transition ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
Global Power ◽  
Emerging Powers

Prevailing power transition theories focus on hard sources of power to explain why international institutions do, or do not, adapt to shifts in the balance of power among their members. This article argues that, in the wake of such a shift in the balance between emerging and established powers, institutional adaptations depend on both their hard and soft power resources. Soft power matters for institutional adaptations because both emerging and established powers have to justify the use of hard power to their respective audiences. Whether emerging or established powers are able to use the hard power they have depends crucially on rhetorical resources, such as claims of legitimacy and their (transnational) societal resonance. We provide empirical support for our argument through an analysis of the adaptation of the Trade-Related Aspects of International Property Rights agreement and the adaptation of the Convention on Biological Diversity. Emerging powers such as Brazil, India and South Africa were able to bring about institutional adaptations because they not only had the hard power to undermine the respective institutions, but could also build on civil society support that legitimized their demands or constrained established states’ use of hard power to fend off their demands.

scholarly journals Student-to-Student Diplomacy: Chinese International Students as a Soft-Power Tool

2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ane Bislev
Keyword(s):  
International Students ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Critical Discussion ◽  
Chinese International Students ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
Nuanced Understanding

Chinese international students have become an increasingly visible presence around the globe, and interest in these students has consequently increased among universities, researchers, and policymakers, who often see international students as a source of increased soft power. This article questions the idea of Chinese international students as a soft-power tool. This is done through a critical discussion of the concept of soft power and the rather limited research on educational diplomacy, demonstrating that the analytical vagueness of the concept of soft power leads to an oversimplified understanding of the linkage between international students and soft power. In order to provide a more nuanced understanding of this linkage, the article examines the actual overseas experience of Chinese international students and argues that the linkage between international students and soft power is highly complicated and that these students do not necessarily constitute soft-power resources.

scholarly journals How Russian Soft Power Fails in Estonia: Or, Why the Russophone Minorities Remain Quiescent

2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristian Nielsen ◽  
Heiko Paabo
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
The Other ◽  
Minority Populations ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
Focus Point ◽  
Power And Influence

Abstract This article evaluates the significance of Russian soft power in Estonia, particularly in connection to the minority issue, and compares this soft power to the countervailing pull of the European Union on the other side. It concludes that although Russia does indeed have a number of soft power resources, their potential for being translated into actual power and influence is too often exaggerated, not least because Europe provides a much more attractive focus point for the disgruntled than Moscow. Moreover, Estonia has it fully within its power to bolster its own attractiveness in the eyes of the minority populations. Thus, although relations with Russia should be handled with care, it is not Russia’s soft power that should be feared.

scholarly journals EMERGING POWERS AND PEACE NEGOTIATIONS: THE EXPERIENCE OF BRAZIL IN THE NUCLEAR TALKS WITH IRAN

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (15) ◽  
Author(s):  
Monica Ellen Seabra Hirst
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
International Negotiations ◽  
Nuclear Program ◽  
Comprehensive Plan ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Global Peace ◽  
Emerging Powers

This paper addresses the role of emerging powers and the importance of Southern soft power resources in global peace negotiations. It aims to examine the performance of Brazil as a contributor to peaceful solutions and the de-escalation of international security tension. Brazilian assertive diplomacy during the Lula da Silva government (2003-2010) made special efforts to build bridges in international negotiations to transcend deadlock scenarios. This text will focus specifically on the 2010 Brazil-Turkey joint initiative – known as the Teheran Declaration – set forward to mitigate the international tensions caused by the Iranian nuclear program. Both countries worked together to persuade Iran to accept a fuel swap deal which could de-rail a new round of United Nations Security Council sanctions against Iran. The failure to change the course of Western-led coercive actions indicates the restraints emerging powers face as peace intermediators in global security.  The lack of acknowledgement from Western powers, while effective to reverse the success of the Brazilian-Turkey initiative, also postponed positive outcomes in international negotiations with Iran. This text suggests re-visiting the consequences of this postponement, particularly after the Trump administration has walked away from the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action with Iran.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document