Brazilian National Integration Policies and the Amazon: Discourses of Modernisation Between the Past and the Present

2021 ◽  
pp. 363-385
Author(s):  
Vitale Joanoni Neto ◽  
Regina Beatriz Guimarães Neto
2019 ◽  
pp. 313-325
Author(s):  
Borislav Grozdic ◽  
Valerija Dabetic

In the aggressive dominance of critical rational thinking over the mythical worldview, myth as a historical and effective force does not lose its actuality and importance, because myths often hide deeper messages than what history can offer. In such a social context, the significance of the spiritual message of the Kosovo myth - the commitment to the Heavenly Kingdom, as a lasting common value of the Serbian people, returns as a theme. In spite of its omnipresence, the opinion prevails that the myth belongs to the past, and if it is not yet obsolete, it certainly should be. The authors advocate the idea that myth, as a comprehensive experience of the world, and therefore the Kosovo myth as well, is a factor of national integration, a part of collective identity, and a common value system. Analysing the secular and spiritual understanding of the Kosovo myth, the authors point out the importance of the vivid memory of the prince Lazar?s commitment to the Heavenly Kingdom. For Christians, this represents the value and goal above all others and it forms the core of the Serbian historical consciousness and spiritual community. The paper shows that the spiritual message of the Kosovo myth is not understood or it is misunderstood nowadays, since the commitment to Kosovo is perceived as a call and an obligation to die for it. The authors conclude that the Kosovo myth is not a call to die in the war, on the contrary, it is a struggle for external and internal freedom, as well as for the highest values that are implied by the definition of the Heavenly Kingdom ? peace, love, honour, justice, dignity, and others.


Res Publica ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-394
Author(s):  
Léo Moulin

Religion, that globalising influence par excellence, constitutes the most powerful known factor of political, economic, social, and national integration. However, religion can also at times be a factor of disintegration ornon-integration, because of its historic vision. The lesions of millenarianisms prefigure the hopes, problems, failures and the illusions of society.Time has, in itself, an ideological dimension that varies according to the perception that one has of it : positive or negative, turned toward the past of the future, inevitably neutral or progressive.


2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 614-633
Author(s):  
Roxane Sablonnière ◽  
Armelle Nugier ◽  
Nada Kadhim ◽  
Emmanuelle P. Kleinlogel ◽  
Mathieu Pelletier‐Dumas ◽  
...  

2007 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-350 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maarten P. Vink

This article is about the state of multiculturalist politics in the Netherlands. It assesses the popular claim that a paradigmatic change has occurred in the Netherlands due to events such as 9/11 and the murders of Pim Fortuyn and Theo van Gogh. The article argues that although changes are significant, both in discourse and in practice, they must be viewed as part of a process of rethinking the relation between newcomers and the state that goes back as far as the end of the 1980s. Long-standing claims about the exemplary form of multiculturalism in the Netherlands were always ambiguous at least, or even hard to sustain. The article criticises the persistent idea that Dutch accommodating integration policies since the end of the 1970s are an extension of the historical tradition of ‘pillarisation’. Only by going beyond this myth can we understand why recent changes are much less of a break with the past, and why multiculturalism was never accepted or practised as fully as has often been suggested in more stereotypical depictions of Dutch integration policy.


2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-275 ◽  
Author(s):  
Azra Hromadžić

The processes of peace-building and democratization in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) were instituted on 14 December 1995 by the Dayton Accords, which brought an end to the Bosnian War. While claiming their objectives to be reconciliation, democracy, and ethnic pluralism, the accords inscribed in law the ethnic partition between Bosnian Serbs, Croats, and Muslims by granting rights to “people” based on their identification as “ethnic collectivities.” This powerful tension at the heart of “democratization” efforts has been central to what has transpired over the past 16 years. My account uses ethnographic methods and anthropological analysis to document how the ethnic emphasis of the local nationalist projects and international integration policies is working in practice to flatten the multilayered discourses of nationhood in BiH. As a result of these processes, long-standing notions of trans-ethnic nationhood in BiH lost their political visibility and potency. In this article I explore how trans-ethnicnarodor nation(hood) — as a space of popular politics, cultural interconnectedness, morality, political critique, and economic victimhood — still lingers in the memories and practices of ordinary Bosnians and Herzegovinians, thus powerfully informing their political subjectivities.


2007 ◽  
Vol 202 ◽  
pp. 99-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jon Kvist ◽  
Lisbeth Pedersen

Under the heading of flexicurity, Danish labour market activation policies are receiving international attention because of their perceived ability both to curb unemployment and to boost employment. Indeed, the objectives, target groups and design of activation policy have undergone a remarkable transformation over the past fifteen years. From the initial curbing of unemployment among the insured unemployed through standard activation offers, the aim today is also to increase labour supply among non-economic active groups using individually tailored programmes. Danish activation policies thus embrace not only active labour market policies but also social and integration policies. Despite widespread popularity and belief in the positive effects of activation, little is actually known about its overall impact on the Danish economy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadir Nadir

The existence of radicalism movement recently has made us worried about the nation and state life in the world order, since this movement is able to attract others from various elements of people and states that the teachings and ideology the movement offers are good. This movement at last will influence either the national or international stability because it is wellorganized. Therefore, it is necessary to reinforce the recognition and assurance of human rights especially the prosperity of the state that may make Indonesian people easy to be attracted by any offerings given by the groups of this radical movement. If in the past the movement of human rights was constructed by the thinkers due to arbitrarv rulers, at present human rights is moved and thought in order to strengthen the national integration. The alarming development of trans- national radicalism movements has given impacts on a national disintegration, therefore, the principle of recogmtion and assurance in the protection of human rights is lead to protect, save, and to assure the prosperity porn the state since few peoplejoining in a radical movement are not caused ofjihad but of economic reasons. If the state seriously give some recognition and assurance of human rights, the citizens feel to be protected. This in turns results in a sympathetic emphatic feelings to the government and the state, and therefore the national integration will still be kept intact and well-woven.


2020 ◽  
Vol 56 (03) ◽  
pp. 2040010
Author(s):  
BAIQ WARDHANI ◽  
VINSENSIO DUGIS

As Indonesia’s economy gradually improves, the government has been actively promoting its horizontal cooperation among developing countries by playing a prominent role as a non-DAC (Development Assistance Committee) provider. Though the country has been receiving aid over the past two decades, it has also been providing to other developing countries in the Pacific region. However, Indonesia’s relations with these countries face contention due to it being perceived as “big and aggressive.” This is evident in its decision to oppose the independence of Papua. After decades of seeking good relations, Jakarta has opened its Eastern door by creating a closer link with the Pacific countries through the provision of aid. As it moved from ignorance to awareness, Indonesia’s approach was aimed at solving domestic problems related to its national integration and territorial integrity in the east, particularly the issue of Papuan independence. The country made use of aid as its primary diplomatic tool in its “Look East” policy. This paper investigates the extent to which this policy has been instrumental in rebuilding, restoring, and improving Indonesia’s image among Pacific countries. It argues that the ethnic dimension is one of the critical determinants in diplomatic relations, and ignorance could lead to its failure. Furthermore, it shows that the use of aid has resulted in a constructive impact that has been evident in a decrease in support for Papua separatism in the South Pacific region.


2007 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Joppke

This article argues that, beginning in the mid-1990s, there has been a transformation of immigrant integration policies in Western Europe, away from distinct “national models” and toward convergent policies of “civic integration” for newcomers and “antidiscrimination” for settled immigrants and their descendants. This convergence is demonstrated by a least-likely case comparison of the Netherlands, France, and Germany—states that had pursued sharply different lines in the past. The author fleshes out the conflicting, even contradictory logics of antidiscrimination and civic integration and grounds them in opposite variants of liberalism, an “old” liberalism of nondiscrimination and equal opportunity and a “new” liberalism of power and disciplining, respectively.


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