scholarly journals Consensus Democracy: The Swiss System of Power-Sharing

2021 ◽  
pp. 167-207
Author(s):  
Wolf Linder ◽  
Sean Mueller
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
Evolution Law ◽  
Consociational Democracy ◽  
Consensus Democracy ◽  
Early Stages ◽  
Law Making

AbstractThis chapter unpacks the notion of power-sharing and explains its centrality for political Switzerland. While direct democracy has played an important part in its evolution, law-making in Switzerland has become impossible without the participation of various interest groups at early stages of drafting already. The chapter details the functioning of Switzerland’s broad-based political pluralism, its structure of consociational democracy, the representation of the most important political parties and interest groups, and the ensuing processes of negotiation and mutual adjustment. It also discusses challenges and pitfalls of power-sharing.

Power‐sharing versus Majority Rule: Patterns of Cabinet Formation in Twenty Democracies

1981 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 395-413 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arend Lijphart
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Majority Rule ◽  
Democratic Theory ◽  
Ideal Type ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Consociational Democracy ◽  
Westminster Model ◽  
Majoritarian Democracy ◽  
The Ideal

THE TERM ‘MAJORITY RULE’ IS OFTEN USED EITHER AS A synonym of democracy or as one of its defining characteristics. An important contribution that the scholars belonging to the consociational school have made to democratic theory is to point out that this close identification of majorit rule and democracy is fallacious. Majoritarian democracy, of which the Westminster model is the ideal type, is not the only form of democracy; the major alternative is consociational democracy. Furthermore, majority rule is not necessarily the best form of democracy; especially in plural societies - that is, societies deeply divided by religious, ideological, cultural, linguistic, ethnic, or racial cleavages into separate sub-societies with their own political parties, interest groups, and media of communication - consociational democracy is the more suitable democratic model.

Formal and Informal Power

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johannes Lindvall
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Union Member ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Employment Protection ◽  
Main Argument ◽  
Labor Market Reforms ◽  
The Government ◽  
Formal Power ◽  
European Union Member States

The main argument of this chapter is that the concentration-of-power hypothesis—the idea that reform capacity is higher under power-concentration institutions—only holds, if at all, in societies where interest groups have negligible informal power. Where interest groups have significant power, sharing formal power among several political parties may lead to higher reform capacity than a concentration of power. The chapter shows that reform capacity tends to be low if power-concentration institutions are situated in societies where interest groups are strong enough to threaten to block reforms, but not strong enough for the government to treat them as a permanent interlocutor. The chapter's empirical sections are concerned with labor market reforms in European Union member states, pension reforms and employment-protection reforms in France, and political strikes in the advanced democracies.

“Nonaligned Citizens”: Ethnic Power-Sharing and Nonethnic Identities in Bosnia Herzegovina. The Case of Sarajevo

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 707-720 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arianna Piacentini
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Critical Mass ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Positive Potential ◽  
Consociational Democracy ◽  
Ordinary Citizens

AbstractBosnia Herzegovina is a consociational democracy grounded on three ethnic constituencies. The postwar implementation of power-sharing mechanisms ended to favor ethnocracy and ethnopolitics, eventually compromising an inclusive democracy untied from ethnonational issues. This contribution explores the positive potential held by political parties and ordinary citizens “nonaligned” with the ethnopolitical scaffolding—therefore and consequently not explicitly included in the power-sharing system—because they hold and promote “alternative,” civic, and nonethnic forms of identification. Drawing upon interviews performed in Sarajevo, this article argues that citizens’ political disappointment and dissatisfaction are among the reasons contributing to the existence of a small, yet potentially critical, mass of citizens able to help adjusting an ethnically exclusive model of democracy.

Parliamentarism and the Legislative Branch

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
András Sajó ◽  
Renáta Uitz
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Legislative Branch ◽  
Effective Decision ◽  
The Law ◽  
Internal Operations ◽  
Effective Decision Making ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Law Making

This chapter examines the relationship between parliamentarism and the legislative branch. It explores the evolution of the legislative branch, leading to disillusionment with the rationalized law-making factory, a venture run by political parties beyond the reach of constitutional rules. The rise of democratically bred party rule is positioned between the forces favouring free debate versus effective decision-making in the legislature. The chapter analyses the institutional make-up and internal operations of the legislature, the role of the opposition in the legislative assembly, and explores the benefits of bicameralism for boosting the powers of the legislative branch. Finally, it looks at the law-making process and its outsourcing via delegating legislative powers to the executive.

Political Economy and Partisan Government

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zaad Mahmood
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Class Analysis ◽  
Economic Support ◽  
Business Support

This is one of key chapters of the book presenting the argument of partisan government. This chapter interrogates the subnational variation in labour reforms through partisan governments and suggests regional political economy as critical to shaping orientation of partisan governments. It critically analyses the existing party-based interpretation of reform and shows that it is the instrumental interest assuaging the interests of support base that explain government orientation to labour reform. Through a caste/class analysis of political parties, the chapter highlights that significant business support and socio-economically homogeneous dominant support base characterize states with greater market flexibility. In contrast, when the dominant support base of party is heterogeneous and wide, the pace of reform is significantly muted. Partisan configuration—the socio-economic support base of government—determines not only the orientation of policies but also the interrelation between government and various interest groups in society.

The Persuasion Effects of Political Endorsements

2019 ◽  
pp. 223-242
Author(s):  
Cheryl Boudreau
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Observational Study ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Experimental Research ◽  
Theoretical Models ◽  
Political Information ◽  
Controlled Environment ◽  
Ongoing Research ◽  
Open Questions ◽  
Political Persuasion

Political endorsements (recommendations about which candidate or policy to support) are ubiquitous in political contexts. They may come from political parties, interest groups, politicians, or even celebrities. Can uninformed citizens identify endorsers who share their interests and use their recommendations as substitutes for detailed political information? This chapter surveys the literature on the persuasion effects of political endorsements. It first provides an overview of theoretical models that examine how political endorsements affect citizens’ choices. Then, it describes a seminal observational study of how endorsements affect political persuasion. It next discusses experimental research that assesses the effects of endorsements. It emphasizes that experiments are particularly useful for identifying when political endorsements will persuade citizens because they allow scholars to manipulate the conditions that theoretical models identify in a carefully controlled environment. It concludes by discussing open questions about the effects of political endorsements and describing how ongoing research addresses them.

scholarly journals Bridging Regionalism and Secessionism: Territorial Autonomy Movements in the Iberian World

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Matthias vom Hau ◽  
Hana Srebotnjak
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Santa Cruz ◽  
World Region ◽  
Regional Comparison ◽  
Movement Theory ◽  
Political Exclusion ◽  
Autonomy Movements

Abstract In comparative works on nationalism, Latin America is usually portrayed as a world region that is devoid of nationalist and separatist movements, while in Europe nationalist movements seeking greater self-determination or separate statehood can be easily observed. This article takes a different perspective. Applying the concept of territorial autonomy movements, it pursues a cross-regional comparison of Santa Cruz in Bolivia, Guayas in Ecuador, and Catalonia in Spain to show that movements strikingly similar with regards to their core claims, diagnostic frames, and tactics do in fact exist across the Iberian world. The chapter then draws on social movement theory to account for the recent intensification of territorial autonomy mobilizations in these cases. We argue that in all three substate units (1) threats of political exclusion emanating from contestations over established power-sharing arrangements triggered territorial grievances; (2) the formation of dense associational networks and new alliances with subnational party and state representatives enhanced the organizational resources of territorial challengers; and (3) broader protest cycles, and their concern with direct democracy and/or multicultural group rights, provided territorial challengers with new framing strategies to justify their demands.

Interest Groups and Elections

2019 ◽  
pp. 339-357
Author(s):  
Jeffrey M. Berry
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Campaign Finance ◽  
Organizational Forms ◽  
Super Pacs ◽  
New Organizational Forms ◽  
Winner Take All ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Take All

The relationships between interest groups, political parties, and elections have always been dynamic, but in recent years change has accelerated in ways that have favored some interests over others. This chapter considers these developments as the result of a variety of factors, the most critical of which are the growth of polarization, a new legal landscape for campaign finance, and new organizational forms. The chapter goes on to suggest, that as bipartisanship has ebbed, elections have become winner-take-all affairs and interest groups are pushed to choose sides. The chapter further suggests that the rise of super PACs is especially notable as wealthy individuals have become increasingly important, single sources of campaign money, supplanting in part traditional interest groups, especially conventional PACs. It concludes that even as sums spent by super PACs and other interest groups have skyrocketed, the impact of their direct spending on persuading voters remains uncertain.

Interešu pārstāvniecība. Vēlētāji apspriež Saeimas darbu Latvijas Televīzijas raidījumā “Tautas panorāma”

Letonica ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergejs Kruks
Keyword(s):  
Interest Groups ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
General Will ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
The People ◽  
Individual Strategies ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Law Making

Keywords: discourse analysis, general will, Latvian politics, political representation, Saeima Latvian citizens are characterised by a very low level of political activism. How can this be explained through an understanding of politics? Prior to the 2018 Saeima (Latvian parliament) election, voters were interviewed on Latvian television discussing the pronouncements of various members of parliament. The researcher explores the relationship between the comments of these voters and the way they feel their interests are being represented by the state’s law makers. Throughout the interviews, voters are critical of Saeima, yet they fail to clearly explain their interests. The generally agreed upon duty of MPs is to discover the general will of the people, and attempt to fulfil this will through law making. In Latvia, the concept of forming interest groups representing the desires of various groups of citizens to create public expressions of their opinions is not considered a viable resource for political action. The citizens being interviewed believe that they cannot expect to have their interests represented by Saeima and prefer individual strategies focused on non-political action.

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