scholarly journals Unjust History and Its New Reproduction—A Reply to My Critics

Author(s):  
Alasia Nuti

AbstractDemands calling for reparations for historical injustices—injustices whose original victims and perpetrators are now dead—constitute an important component of contemporary struggles for social and transnational justice. Reparations are only one way in which the unjust past is salient in contemporary politics. In my book, Injustice and the Reproduction of History: Structural Inequalities, Gender and Redress, I put forward a framework to conceptualise the normative significance of the unjust past. In this article, I will engage with the insightful comments and try to address the concerns of the contributors to the symposium on my book. I will discuss (i) whether and in what sense my framework incorporates past-regarding duties, (ii) how it is different from causal interpretations of the relationship between past and present injustice, (iii) whether it can carve out a greater place for blame in our thinking about responsibility for (historical) structural injustice, (iv) whether such a responsibility needs to hinge upon an account of solidarity, and (v) how de-temporalising injustice can cast new light on immigration politics. In particular, I will stress and further clarify the importance that the notion of ‘structural debt’, which my book develops to reflect on historical responsibility, can play in thinking about what is owed to an unjust history.

Author(s):  
Michael Barthel ◽  
Patricia Moy

Citizens’ trust in government, a vital component of any functioning democracy, can be affected by media content, but these media effects depend on numerous factors. This chapter first illustrates the normative significance of political trust, then reviews its various conceptualizations and operationalizations. It reviews the key empirical linkages between media and political trust, focusing on differences in medium, modality, presentation formats, and mechanisms of influence. The relationship between media use and political trust is discussed in light of an evolving landscape – one in which the media are no longer centralized, content consumers also produce messages, and media and politics are inextricably linked. The chapter calls for additional research on the effects of new media and emerging political cultures on political trust.


Soft Power ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-129
Author(s):  
Mirko Alagna

Fake news, Post-Truth are now entries into the ordinary language of contemporary politics to denote - with anxiety and concern - the definitive rupture of the relationship between truth and politics. A relationship that has never been idyllic and that cannot be, constitutively, idyllic, but which now seems to have reached a point of no return. Glossing the reflections of Hannah Arendt in Truth and Politics and pointing out two areas of “political licence” - that is, two areas where, inevitably, politics cannot be judged on parameters of truth - this contribution aims to treat the weakness of shared truths not as a cause of the crisis of democracies, but as a symptom of a more radical problem, an extreme subjectivism that leads to loneliness and intolerance towards any relationship based on trust.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 1033-1037 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesca Sobande

The current COVID-19 (coronavirus) global pandemic has resulted in a wave of advertising and marketing approaches that are based on commodified concepts of human connection, care and community in a time of crisis. At the core of many brands’ marketing messages – whether these be supermarket advertising campaigns or celebrity self-branding – is the notion that ‘we’re all in this together’. While it is true that the impact of COVID-19 has affected the lives of many people around the world, not everyone is experiencing this crisis the same way, due to structural inequalities and intersecting oppressions. What is the relationship between COVID-19, capitalism and consumer culture? Who is the ‘we’ in the messages of ‘we’re all in this together’, and how might such messages mask distinct socio-economic disparities and enable institutions to evade accountability? This article examines sub-textual meanings connected to brand responses to COVID-19 in the UK context which rely on an amorphous imagined ‘we’ – and which ultimately may aid brands’ pursuit of productivity and profit, rather than symbolising support of and concern for people.


2021 ◽  
pp. 209660832110563
Author(s):  
Jianhua Xie

What will be the relationship between human beings and artificial intelligence (AI) in the future? Does an AI have moral status? What is that status? Through the analysis of consciousness, we can explain and answer such questions. The moral status of AIs can depend on the development level of AI consciousness. Drawing on the evolution of consciousness in nature, this paper examines several consciousness abilities of AIs, on the basis of which several relationships between AIs and human beings are proposed. The advantages and disadvantages of those relationships can be analysed by referring to classical ethics theories, such as contract theory, utilitarianism, deontology and virtue ethics. This explanation helps to construct a common hypothesis about the relationship between humans and AIs. Thus, this research has important practical and normative significance for distinguishing the different relationships between humans and AIs.


2021 ◽  
Vol 102 (s4) ◽  
pp. s907-s976
Author(s):  
Paul Litt

This is a short overview history of the relationship between Canadian historians and Canadian nationalism. It maps the historiography of Canadian nationalism against its significant manifestations in Canadian society and developments in nationalism scholarship internationally. Three conjunctures when the fate of the nation loomed large in Canadian historiography are featured. Evidence from the Canadian Historical Review (chr) is highlighted throughout, and, for each conjuncture, relevant articles from the chr are provided for further reading. In reflecting on this history, this article considers Canadian historians’ accomplishments and failures in understanding Canadian nationalism as well as the contemporary politics and praxis of their relationship with nation.


1970 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura U. Marks

Why do certain images of history reach us, while others remain seemingly forgotten, in the infinite breadth of the past? Why do only certain events seem to matter? I suggest those experiences are not forgotten but enfolded. The contemporary politics of historiography can be conceptualized according to the relationship between Experience, Information, and Image; a triadic relationship I have proposed to understand the nature of the image in the information age. While Experience is infinite, the vast majority of experience lies latent. Few Images ever arise from it. In our age, those that do tend to be selected, or unfolded, by political and economic interests that deem them to be useful as Information. Nevertheless, anyone can unfold any aspect of Experience to become a public image, and artists (and others) do so in order to allow other aspects of Experience to circulate, before they enfold, back into the matrix of history. I will show an animated diagram that illustrates this concept of history as a flow of unfolding and enfolding, influenced by concepts from Charles Sanders Peirce and Gilles Deleuze. Many artworks can be illuminated by this process. My examples will be drawn from contemporary Arab cinema. In the heavily politicized Arab milieu, the Image world is constructed as a selective unfolding of only those aspects of Experience that are deemed to be useful or profitable. Some Arab filmmakers, rather than deconstruct the resulting ideological images, prefer to carry out their own unfoldings:  explicating hitherto latent events, knowledges, and sensations. Thus what official history deems merely personal, absurd, micro-events, or no events at all, becomes the stuff of a rich alternative historiography. This process characterizes the work of, among others, Joana Hadjithomas and Khalil Joreige, Nisrine Khodr, Mohammed Soueid, and Akram Zaatari (Lebanon), Azza El-Hassan, Elia Suleiman, and Sobhi Al-Zobaidi (Palestine), and Mohamad Khan (Egypt).


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-20
Author(s):  
Ryan Darr ◽  

Justice, according to Thomas Aquinas, is a personal virtue. Modern theorists, by contrast, generally treat justice as a virtue of social institutions. Jean Porter rightly argues that both perspectives are necessary. But how should we conceive the relationship between the virtue of justice and the justice of institutions? I address this question by drawing from Aquinas’s account of the role of the convention of money in mediating relations of just exchange. Developing Aquinas’s account, I defend two conclusions and raise one problem. The conclusions are: (1) Aquinas does presuppose the need for just institutions in just relations; (2) Aquinas highlights the importance of an underappreciated consideration: the way institutions mediate just or unjust relationships. The problem, which naturally arises from bringing together the virtue of justice and the justice of institutions, is whether and how individuals can act justly in a context of structural injustice.


2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (9) ◽  
pp. 1332-1357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joanne L. Payton

Germaine Tillion’s classic work of ethnology My Cousin, My Husband related so-called “honor”-based violence (HBV) to the institution of cousin marriage as a response to women’s entitlement to inheritance within the Greater Mediterranean Region. This article will scrutinize Tillion’s position using original survey data gathered in the Kurdistan region of Iraq, finding that although there is a correlation between HBV and cousin marriage, Tillion’s association of this with inheritance laws is inadequate. An alternative position is proposed, in which the relationship between HBV and cousin marriage is situated in coercion around marriage, intergenerational tensions, and in-group exclusivity, exacerbated by the contemporary politics of nationalist neopatrimonialism and an economy based in oil rentierism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 512-529 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nella Van Den Brandt ◽  
Chia Longman

In this article, we aim to contribute to feminist academic debates about multiculturalism and secularism/religion by drawing upon an analysis of an ethnic minority women’s organisation in Belgium that has been active since 1999: ella. The analysis focuses upon the way in which ella constructs notions of empowerment and emancipation by discussing structural inequalities, cultural-ethnic values and religious authority and identity. First, we look at how ella formulates its ideas about the emancipation trajectories of minoritised women and the potential role of religious belonging. Second, we look at ella’s discussion of religious interpretation and gender/sexual diversity. Here, we explore assumptions about the relationship between religious authority and minoritised women’s and LGBTQs’ desires and pursuit for knowledge. We conclude by considering ella as an affirmative-critical actor of multiculturalism, and an implicit agent of religious reform.


Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110499
Author(s):  
Anders Esmark

The article focuses on the relationship between technocracy and populism during the first year of the COVID-19 crisis. On one hand, this relationship has been defined by populist denial, displacement of crisis, and rejection of the technocratic consensus on the need for urgent and decisive action in the face of the global pandemic. On the other hand, COVID-19 has also led to convergence between the two sides and populist approximation to technocracy more akin to ‘technopopulist’ compromises and politics. The article shows that this pattern of antagonism and approximation has been shaped by three constitutive features of the state of exception and emergency during the COVID-19 crisis: (1) discursive securitization of the threat, (2) the use of extraordinary tools and measures under the licence of precautionary principle, and (3) institutional concentration of power. While COVID-19 is an extreme case in all three respects, the lessons learned from the pandemic advance our general understanding of technocracy and populism as constitutive features of contemporary politics.


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