scholarly journals Local Characteristics Shape the Intended Political Behaviours of Adolescents

Author(s):  
Daniel Deimel ◽  
Hermann J. Abs

AbstractAmong the different factors that predict political participation, the characteristics of the local community are often described. The types and the intensity of political participation differ in urban and rural communities. The local community provides social and cultural resources for political participation and at the same time acts as a driver of political socialisation. The political attitudes of adolescents differ depending on the characteristics of the communities in which they live, i.e. the local context of their political socialisation. This paper describes the context of the political socialisation of adolescents in the German federal state of North Rhine-Westphalia (NRW) in terms of geographical differences in socioeconomic, sociostructural, and sociocultural characteristics. The approach uses public databases to construct indicators that describe administrative districts in terms of their degree of urbanisation, degree of aggregated individual wealth, and variety of opportunity. These indicators were merged with the NRW subset of the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS 2016), which comprises N = 1451 students in N = 59 schools. Neither the degree of urbanisation nor the degree of aggregated individual wealth was suitable for explaining differences in the intended political behaviour of secondary school students in the 8th grade in NRW. However, the higher the variety of opportunity in a certain district, the less frequently students intend to participate in elections as adults. Also, the higher the measure, the more frequently students intend to participate in illegal protest activities. Apparently certain local environments mobilise intentions to participate in protest activities and suppress more conventional political activities.

2015 ◽  
Vol 662 (1) ◽  
pp. 188-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monica Boyd ◽  
Amanda Couture-Carron

This article defines cross-nativity intermarriage in four generations of Canadians and explores whether cross-nativity partnering is associated with political assimilation—in this case, similarity in voting and political activities between immigrants with native-born partners and third-plus-generation immigrants. We find that foreign-born residents with Canadian-born partners do not differ from third-plus-generation residents who have Canadian-born partners in their propensities to vote or in the number of political activities in which they participate. Conversely, the foreign-born with foreign-born partners are less likely than the third-plus generation to have voted in a previous federal election; if the foreign-born immigrated later in adolescence or in adulthood, they also are less likely to participate in other political activities. Differences in demographic and socioeconomic characteristics underlie the greater likelihood that second and third-plus generations will engage in political activities.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tat'yana Alent'eva ◽  
Mariya Filimonova

The textbook examines the processes of the emergence and development of English colonies in North America in the XVII-XVIII centuries, as well as the process of formation and formation of the young American state. Considerable attention is paid to socio-economic processes, the study of which makes it possible to more fully consider political and legal trends and features. The political structure of the colonies is described in detail, and the colonial charters are analyzed. The article covers the first North American revolution, analyzes the political programs and activities of the first American political groups and their leaders. The process of drafting and ratifying the Constitution of 1787 is considered in detail, its content and the political activities of the first American presidents are analyzed. A separate chapter is devoted to the development of law in the XVII-XVIII centuries. Meets the requirements of the federal state educational standards of higher education of the latest generation. It is addressed to law students studying the history of state and law, as well as the constitutional law of foreign countries, historical students specializing in the study of US history, as well as students studying international relations, and anyone interested in history.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 59
Author(s):  
Kostas Rontos ◽  
Luca Salvati

Although local context is considered a key factor shaping differences in the age at marriage between spouses, spatially explicit investigations of the gender gap in marriage timing were scarce in Europe, especially in more traditional societies. The present study analyses the spatial distribution of the gender age gap at marriage in Greece, a country experiencing a late demographic transition compared with other European societies. Analysis of prefecture-level data between 1980 and 2017 indicates a continuous increase in the age at marriage, with a moderate reduction in the gender age gap (5 and 3 years respectively in 1980 and 2017). While in the early 1980s age differentials at marriage between men and women diverged in rural and urban areas, a reduced gender gap and greater spatial heterogeneity were observed in 2017, indicating social modernization in most rural communities. These findings highlight the role of local contexts in shaping attitudes toward marriage postponement in Greece, suggesting that the spatial diffusion of marriage homogamy—as an indicator of social change—is influenced by the emergence of ‘permeable’ and ‘resistant’ communities with characteristic socioeconomic profiles. Going beyond the traditional urban–rural divide, space has become an important mediator of gender power dynamics, evidencing the progressive fragmentation of social processes and the increasing heterogeneity of the related demographic patterns at the local community scale. Spatial analysis contributes to delineate such complex processes, integrating results from approaches that assess individual behaviors with a refined investigation of macro-scale patterns of change.


1985 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 528-539 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Welch ◽  
Donley T. Studlar

In contrast to the United States, where analyses of the political behaviour of blacks number in the hundreds, if not more, substantial studies of the political attitudes and behaviour of Britain's non-white minority are fairly scarce. As non-whites have become more visible in the political arena, however, attention by academics has increased. But as yet there have been few countrywide, empirical, and systematic investigations of the political behaviour and attitudes of this population. Our Note uses multivariate methods to investigate the extent of political participation of Britain's non-white minorities in the 1979 election. We focus on a wide variety of political activities and a few selected issue concerns. We attempt to place our findings in the context of some theories of ethnic politics that have developed to explain black political behaviour in Britain and in the United States.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Afizu Alhassan ◽  
Mate Siakwa ◽  
Akwasi Kumi-Kyereme ◽  
Michael Wombeogo

All aspects of nursing practice are regulated by politics and affected by changes in public policy. For that reason, nurses need to be active in the political process through which they may influence public policies on health. However, nurses’ participation in political activities in many countries is either low or moderate at best. Studies that explore political participation among nurses are rare in Africa. We conducted this study to identify factors that may enhance or hinder nurses’ political participation. Through a cross-sectional survey, we collected data from 225 registered nurses sampled from three hospitals and two nursing training schools in Tamale, Ghana, using a structured questionnaire. We analyzed the data using descriptive statistics and correlations. The most frequently reported barriers to political participation were having little free time, lack of trust in politicians, fear of conflict/confrontation, lack of educational preparation, and lack of access to the right connections. The major facilitators of political participation were identified as availability of free time and money, civic skills, personal interest in politics, self-belief and confidence, and a strong party affiliation. These findings call for integration of political content into the nursing education curriculum and for professional nursing organizations to create opportunities for their members to learn about the political process.


1977 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Nachmias

Adolescents in Western democracies acquire participatory-related dispositions early in life. They believe that it is the obligation of the good citizen to be informed and to take a participatory role in the affairs of his community and in politics. Some children start to participate in political activities as early as the third grade; through the twelfth grade, there is a gradual increase in the number of pre-adults who engage in such activities. Variations in adolescent political participation are large, however; they have been found to be associated not only with age but also with socioeconomic status and background measures, with the adolescent's expressed political interest, with the political interest displayed by the adolescent's parents, with curricular and extra-curricular activities, and with the adolescent's social milieu.


2013 ◽  
Vol 37 (5) ◽  
pp. 428-435 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katharina Eckstein ◽  
Peter Noack ◽  
Burkhard Gniewosz

Drawing on data from a three-wave longitudinal study, the present research examined predictors of young adults’ intentions to participate in politics and their actual political activities while referring to the broader assumptions of the theory of planned behavior. The analyses were based on a sample of university students from the federal state of Thuringia, Germany. The results showed that attitudes toward political behaviors and internal political efficacy beliefs explained changes in students’ intentions to participate in politics. However, the perceived meaning that political participation has for important others had no additional effect. Furthermore, students’ intentions to participate in politics and their internal political efficacy beliefs predicted changes in their actual behaviors. Together, the findings supported the theory of planned behaviors as a useful framework helping to predict young adults’ intentions and actual involvement in political activities.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Brodie Fraser

<p>Youth participation literature is yet to fully explore the ways in which young marginalised LGBTIQ+ identifying youth engage in the political sphere. While there is a significant amount of existing literature about youth and their participation habits, research has not quite begun to explore the intersection of youth and LGBTIQ+ marginalisation, and identification, in relation to political participation. This research seeks to address these knowledge gaps, and explore the ways in which high school aged LGBTIQ+ youth in the Wellington region participate in politics. To do so, it organized a survey among Wellington high school students (N=91). The empirical data showed that most of the participants did not view their LGBTIQ+ identity as being political. It also found that the majority of respondents felt as though they have greater political efficacy and ability to make a change as LGBTIQ+ peoples than they do as young citizens under the voting age. Furthermore, the analyses revealed that the extent to which youth feel as though they belong to the queer community positively affects the extent to which they are involved in the LGBTIQ+ community. This research has served to challenge normative assumptions of political participation, and thus broaden understandings of how minority groups perform their citizenship, and engage in politics.</p>


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 27-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paweł CIEŚLIŃSKI

The theme of the article is to check whether in democratic Poland, the institution of localreferendum an import role in the life of the local community. This form of political participation isa „tool” of the legal expression of political decisions by the local communities. Mainly explain, youmodel a local referendum in Poland is functional or dysfunctional – almost, in the bodies responsiblefor the referendum process from the moment of submission of the application until the end of votingand perhaps in the political apathy of local communities?


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 130
Author(s):  
Sumera Memon ◽  
Mohd. Sobhi Bin Ishak ◽  
Norsiah Binti Abdul Hamid

Young people are often characterized as apathetic and disconnected from the political world. Undoubtedly, their low rate of participation in general elections has increased concerns amongst researchers as well as policy makers. This concern has stimulated researchers to explore the factors which weaken or discourage youth engagement in political activities. Thus, this study assesses the role of family communicative environment, peer group communicative environment and school communicative environment as types of political socialization agents of political participation of youths. A cross-sectional survey was conducted among 288 social science students in Pakistan. Questionnaires were used to collect data and the collected data was analyzed using SPSS 23. The findings revealed that family communicative environment and peer group communicative environment positively influence the political participation of youths. However, school communicative environment was found to influence political participation negatively. This study provides an empirical justification for the potential of family and peer group as agents of political socialization for enhancing political activities among youth in Pakistan.


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