Children as Commodities: Conflicting Discourses of Protection and Abuse of Children

2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 231-244
Author(s):  
Pamela Schulz
Keyword(s):  
Modern Society ◽  
Modern Democracy ◽  
Keywords And Phrases ◽  
The Press ◽  
Secure Environment ◽  
The Media ◽  
Legal Frameworks ◽  
The One ◽  
Media Discourses ◽  
Language Construct

In modern society children are valued and nurtured, and it is often stated in media discourses across a variety of platforms and via the press and elsewhere, particularly by politicians, that “Children are our future”. Thus, they deserve the best education and a safe and secure environment in order to thrive and become a part of society. To this end, this study looks at how the media and its language construct children as a commodity in the economy who are used by media as a barometer for society and its commitment to decency and community. However, on closer inspection, a disturbing discourse of division emerges showing the community is split on how best to care and protect our children so that they may partake of that future. Children are used to promote viewpoints (or even ideologies) by celebrities who use their children as exemplars of their parenting style. In addition, children are used by media as a measure of whether a modern democracy is fair or decent in its application of law. From issues related to the pester power through which marketers use children to sell products to the lure of the internet, children are used to make money or seek access to it. Most modern legal frameworks actively support the maintenance of children within culture and kinship groups, yet thousands of children each year are deliberately separated from their parents who are encouraged by marketing ploys to send their children to other parts of the world for education or to seek a migration outcome. This study suggests that modern democratic societies are not consistent in their discourses which, on the one hand, seek to promote active support for the care and wellbeing of children and, on the other, continue a divisive discourse about appropriate responses. In this analysis and commentary, italics are used to give emphasis to keywords and phrases.

Recognition and transformation: Beyond media discourses on the BRICS

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Dwyer ◽  
Olivier Arifon
Keyword(s):  
Political Elites ◽  
The Public ◽  
Brics Countries ◽  
The Press ◽  
New Development ◽  
Multilateral Institution ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Discourses ◽  
Research Initiatives ◽  
Public Imagination

Based on literature review and interviews with journalists, we argue that the BRICS countries are constructing a collective vision, guided by logics of recognition and of transformation. The production of discourse reaches its high point during the BRICS leaders’ summits. To go beyond analysis of the discourse revealed in the media, this article examines projects, thereby aiming to qualify and label the justificatory discourses, in order to develop an understanding of intentions. The BRICS countries have become a reference point as the press increasingly makes comparisons between these countries. The notion of recognition, present in the political elites, also appears as a part of the public imagination and in the press. The leaders too seek transformation. The first official multilateral institution founded by the BRICS countries was the New Development Bank. Current efforts indicate the development of common scientific and technological research initiatives and official support for the establishment of an innovative BRICS Network University. Initiatives will appear as these countries try to consolidate their position.

The Watchdog Still Barks

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beth Knobel
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Newspaper Industry ◽  
Investigative Reporting ◽  
Ownership Structures ◽  
Digital Era ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One ◽  
Important Form ◽  
Better Than

Perhaps no other function of a free press is as important as the watchdog role. It is easier for politicians to get away with abusing power, wasting public funds, and making poor decisions if the press is not shining its light with what is termed “accountability reporting.” This need has become especially clear as the American press has come under direct attack for carrying out its watchdog duties. This book presents a study of how this most important form of journalism came of age in the digital era at American newspapers. The book examines the front pages of nine newspapers, located across the United States, for clues on how papers addressed the watchdog role as the advent of the Internet transformed journalism. It shows how papers of varying sizes and ownership structures around the country marshaled resources for accountability reporting despite significant financial and technological challenges. Although the American newspaper industry contracted significantly during the 1990s and 2000s due to the digital transformation, the data collected in this book shows that the papers held fast to the watchdog role. The newspapers all endured budget and staff cuts during the 20 years studied as paid circulation and advertising dropped, but the amount of deep watchdog reporting on their front pages generally increased over this time. The book contains interviews with editors of the newspapers studied, who explain why they are staking their papers' futures on the one thing that American newspapers still do better than any other segment of the media—watchdog and investigative reporting.

scholarly journals View of Polish and Russian Media on Euro 2012: Comparing and Contrasting

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 169-182
Author(s):  
L. A. Tsyganova ◽  
L. Bieszke
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Young Generation ◽  
Football Fans ◽  
Youth Subcultures ◽  
The Media ◽  
Run Up ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The One ◽  
The Guardian

Considering the role of the media in modern society, we need to understand that public opinion about football fans in general is formed out of the information transmitted by the media. The objective of the study is to analyze the different views and aspects of the Euro 2012: its influence on countries development; its profitability but also the behavior of fans – their cooperation and rivalry. However, contemporary scholarship on sports sociology and football fandom subcultures does not recognize class impact on the near-football movement. European Football Championship 2012 showed problems of development and regulation of football fanaticism. It is essential to see how events on Euro 2012 in Poland, collision and confrontation Polish and Russian fans were reflected in Russian, Polish and UK press “Sport-Express”, “Soviet Sport”, “Rossiyskaya Gazeta”, “Gazeta Wyborcza”, “Gazeta Polska”, “The Independent” and “The Guardian”. Football fans’, organization, and culture require precise studies, not only for understanding of current situation, but, perhaps, also for the development of an adequate strategy of interaction with them in the run-up to the World Cup in 2018. It is also necessary to identify not only the relationship of this movement to the different sectors of society, but also a subculture itself and its image in public opinion shaped by the media. In the era of globalization, understanding of youth subcultures is complicated and leads to a paradox. At the moment, there is a modification of the fan movement. On the one hand, we see the transition from bullying to the cultural «fanatism»; on the other hand, the question arises, if the bullies were an integral part of this culture, do we talk about the death or rebirth of culture? Youth subcultures in the era of postmodernism and globalization are transformed, into the phenomenon of «postsubculture», and may enhance the destructive tendencies in the spiritual life of the young generation, increasing the level of nihilistic attitudes. It should also be noted that the movement of football fans is becoming mainstream. There has been an increase in the popularity of fandom in society. This is due to the attention to this phenomenon in the media, in the cinema and fiction. 

Imposter art

2018 ◽  
pp. 129-159
Author(s):  
Anna Dahlgren
Keyword(s):  
Art World ◽  
Breaking News ◽  
Professional Journals ◽  
Daily Press ◽  
Media System ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
Illegal Acts ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Media Discourses

Chapter 4 explores how mass media, in the form of daily press, professional journals and television, represented and interpreted contemporary art that was deemed as illegal acts. In consequence, it considers how media discourses intervened and acted in such artistic and legal processes. At the centre of this study are artworks made by three Swedish artists between 1967 and 2009 which were simultaneously considered as both artistic statements and real illegal deeds. These artworks and the ensuing media debates are illuminating examples of how the notion of art is continuously negotiated and interpreted very differently by various agents in diverse contexts. This chapter, therefore, expands its focus beyond the typical agents of the art world such as curators, critics and art historians to include statements and writing by representatives of politics, media, entertainment, law and the general public. Being controversial acts, these artworks were open to multiple interpretations and fed smoothly into the logic of the media system. Accordingly, the artists and their artworks were described as breaking news in the standard vocabulary of the press. In addition, they all elicited extensive media discussions on the definition of art.

scholarly journals The Formation of Teachers’ Media Competencies as a Problem of Modern Pedagogy

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-76
Author(s):  
Aida TOPUZYAN ◽  
Lusine POGHOSYAN
Keyword(s):  
Media Literacy ◽  
Information Technologies ◽  
Parental Education ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Media Education ◽  
Correct Selection ◽  
Media Technologies ◽  
Innovative Methods ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One

In the 21st century, modern society learns and lives with new rules and laws. They are dictated by the surrounding reality. If education is cut off from modern life, then it can not be of interest to the pupils, which would make it ineffective. The introduction of information technologies is one of the keys to organizing effective education for pupils. Therefore, the role of the teacher in this process is extremely important. Teacher’s media competencies are aimed at pupils' correct selection and interpretation of media content, their perception and understanding of the content, avoiding manipulation, and literate media use. Our research among learners, teachers, parents shows that the use of media in modern schools is not widespread. Teachers rarely use media technologies during lessons and, as a rule, they are not aimed at the development of the pupils' media literacy, but act as meeting the demand of applying innovative methods and technical means. In order to organize children's media education, to use media tools, to identify teachers' level of media literacy, and to develop media competencies, studies have been conducted in various secondary schools. The studies show that some teachers don't know exactly what the media is. The responses of some of the teachers who participated in the survey show that teachers do not exactly understand the nature of the media, the forms, the answers of many of them are different and incomplete. Teachers are mostly unaware of media technologies and do not realize its role in the upbringing and development of children. Summing up the results of surveys of teachers, children, and their parents, we came to the conclusion that the central role in the implementation of media education is played by the teacher. He is the pedagogue of ICT and the media the one who carries out parental education; he is the one who turns students into media educators. So it is necessary to help the teacher and the future teachers in carrying out their mission. All this forced us to try to develop the following media competencies of teachers and in parallel, determine the pupil's media competencies.

scholarly journals KING'S ENGLISH AND THE ARISTOCRATIC CODE OF COMMUNICATION IN MODERN BRITAIN

2014 ◽  
pp. 246-251
Author(s):  
T. A. Ivushkina
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
English Language ◽  
Demarcation Line ◽  
Classical Education ◽  
Modern Britain ◽  
The Press ◽  
Abstract Nouns ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One ◽  
Professional Writers

All inaccuracies and distortions of the language use in modern British media, revealed by Simon Heffer in his book «Strictly English», enable the author of the article to draw a distinct demarcation line between King's English, the English of the press, on the one hand, and the English of the upper classes of Great Britain, on the other. The errors in the press, such as confusion of words similar in a sound form or spelling, the use of foreign words in the wrong meanings, distortions of names, etc. testify to the deterioration of education at some universities of Great Britain. They also point to the lack of a classical education based on the study of foreign languages, Greek and Latin, in the first place, which facilitates learning foreign words and mastering complicated grammar structures and subtleties of modality in the English language. The language of the press is clearly opposed to the language of the upper classes by methods of communication. If the former is characterized by direct and straightforward ways of communication, the latter manifests indirect and hidden ways of interaction. Cultivated by the upper classes and the aristocracy, this code is based on the categories of words which originate ambiguity in speech or texts and raise the eternal question «What is meant by this or that? ». In journalism these categories of words are labeled as «killers» of meaning. They include foreign words which considerably obscure understanding, abstract nouns that serve to create distance and insincerity in communication, adjectives which very often veil the real state of things, serve as a means of linguistic manipulation, especially when used to describe emotions, opinions and feelings. Here, also, belong euphemism and metaphorical meanings of nouns and verbs. The author concludes that, despite stringent prohibition for journalists to use these categories of words in the media, journalists and professional writers would only benefit if they were aware of them as well as of social connotations of words marked as U - non-U words in the book «Noblesse Oblige» by Alan Ross, Evelyn Waugh and Nancy Mitford. Heffer's book allows to clearly see the demarcation line between the English of the media and the English of the upper classes of Great Britain based on play upon words and various implications to express individuality and sense of humour, intellect and social exclusiveness.

scholarly journals Public Service Television and Civic Engagement

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Jackson
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
Main Channel ◽  
The Self ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One ◽  
Democratic Life ◽  
Elected Representatives

The news media figures prominently in most appraisals of democracy today. This is because it is the main channel of communication between elected representatives and citizens; and the (self-appointed) watchdog of the powerful. While news organisations are sometimes reluctant to accept the responsibility that comes with such power, it is implicit in the core principles of journalistic philosophy, whereby attempts to constrain or censor the news media are seen as threats to democracy itself. However, these normative roles also are surrounded by many tensions that surround the ability of our news media to perform their democratic functions. This chapter discusses four of these tensions: (i) diversity versus commonality; (ii) the information necessary for citizens to participate effectively in democratic life, versus the entertainment-driven focus of an increasingly commercial-oriented media; (iii) the need of the media to treat people as citizens on the one hand and as consumer publics on the other; and (iv) broadcasters' relationship with the press.

scholarly journals What Has Changed? A Critical Analysis of the Law of Sedition and the Press in Nigeria since 1914

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. p20
Author(s):  
Chinedu C. Odoemelam ◽  
Uche V. Ebeze ◽  
Okorom E. Morgan ◽  
Daniel N. Okwudiogor
Keyword(s):  
Press Freedom ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Press ◽  
Independent States ◽  
The Media ◽  
British Colonial ◽  
The Law ◽  
Political Milieu ◽  
The One ◽  
Colonial Government

This study is situated within the normative theoretical framework, which focuses on the press in nations where the press is expected to assume the coloration of the political milieu within which it finds itself. The British colonial masters discovered the power of the press in the early 16th century and devised numerous schemes to restrict publication. Such policies were extended to her majesty’s colonies; for instance, the law of sedition in Nigeria. Freedom of the press is a right but it is a right that has been won only through many hard-fought legal battles like the one fought by John Peter Zenger in the seditious trial of 1735. There were several such trials for sedition in the colonies, and despite the acquittal of John Peter Zenger, the British colonial government went ahead to adopt such laws in her colonial territories. This was exemplified in the seditious offence ordinance that was in force in 1909 in Southern Nigeria. This study adopts the historical, legal research and critical paradigm technique to examine how the law of sedition has fared in inhibiting press freedom in Nigeria since 1914. The study provides an understanding of how colonial influence may affect laws regulating how the media function in independent States.

Narratives of past and present, freedom of expression and recognition – Justice Ngcobo’s judgment in Citizen 187 (Pty) Ltd v McBride

2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1&2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Meryl Du Plessis
Keyword(s):  
South African ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Media Ownership ◽  
Consumer Activism ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Law ◽  
The One ◽  
National Reconciliation

This contribution examines the balance to be struck between freedom of expression on the one hand, and dignity on the other.  It does so through the lens of narratives of South Africa’s past and present in Citizen 187 (Pty) Ltd v McBride and a consideration of how narratives shape our construction of reality.  It is argued that the newspaper narratives about Mr McBride’s planting and detonation of a bomb in 1986 contain various omissions and half-truths, which impacts adversely on the media’s contribution to post-apartheid South Africa.  In particular, such media coverage mimimises Black persons’ realities in the past and present, which is an infringement of their dignity.  However, the law of defamation, it is argued, is not suited optimally to address the shortcomings in macro narratives of South African history advanced by the media.  The use of the law of defamation for that purpose may have the effect of stifling, unduly, conversations that are integral to national reconciliation. Alternative mechanisms through which to hold newspapers accountable may include complaints addressed to the Press Council, consumer activism and the creation of a plurality of voices within media spaces, both in terms of media ownership and the promotion of ideological diversity.  Ngcobo CJ’s judgment is therefore preferred, as it protects the media’s freedom of expression, while also emphasising the importance of the dignity of those who become media subjects. 

When Celebrity and Political Journalism Collide: Reporting Standards, Entertainment, and the Conundrum of Covering Donald Trump’s 2016 Campaign

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 128-143
Author(s):  
Amber E. Boydstun ◽  
Regina G. Lawrence
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York Times ◽  
Quantitative Evidence ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Political Journalism ◽  
The Press ◽  
Celebrity Politics ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One ◽  
Entertainment Value

While the rise of celebrities-turned-politicians has been well documented and theorized, how their bids for office are treated by the establishment press has been less closely examined. Research on celebrity politics on the one hand, and on journalism standards on the other, have rarely been brought into conversation with one another. Here, we draw from both literatures to explore how the press covered Donald Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign. Prior research on political journalism would likely have predicted that Trump, with his lack of conventional political experience and a career in reality TV, would have been treated to derisive, dismissive press coverage, which we refer to as “clown” coverage. But Trump’s fame and wealth, and the high entertainment value of his campaign, would also lead the media to cover him heavily. We argue that the collision of entertainment-infused politics with traditional journalism practices created a profound dilemma for the press’s ability to cover the campaign coherently, and that the press responded to this dilemma by giving Trump as much clown-like coverage as serious coverage, throughout not just the primary but also the general election. We support our argument through qualitative evidence from interviews with journalists and other political insiders, and quantitative evidence from a content analysis of New York Times and Washington Post coverage of Trump at key points throughout the campaign.

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